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The intervention in Libya is the best example to date to judge the implementation of the Responsibility to Protect. In 2011, public demonstrations started in Libya seeking political and economic reforms in the country. In return, the Libyan President Maummar Al-Qaddafi threatened mass atrocities in Libya. This allowed the UNSC to sanction the use of force against Qaddafi’s regime in order to protect civilians. First, under resolution 1970 (2011), the UNSC referred the case to the International Criminal Court and applied sanctions. Second, via resolution 1973 (2011), the application of force was approved for the express purpose of “protecting civilians.” This thesis assess whether the military intervention in Libya in 2011 was R2P case. This question is answered by an analysis based upon the UNSC’s Resolutions, Council’s proceedings, and other official documents. / May 2016

Presented thesis discusses the relationship between the Eastern bloc and Libya, using the Czechoslovak model as an example. On the basis of analysis of archive documents this text describes the cooperative process between socialist states and the regime of Muammar Qaddafi within the period of 1969-1989. The emphasis is put on political, economical, military and, to some extent, cultural aspects of mutual relationship between said countries. The purpose of this thesis is to present Czechoslovakia as a so called "small player" in the context of international politics of the Cold war. The author is aiming to show that, contrary to the orthodox explanations of the Cold war as a conflict of two monolithic blocs, Czechoslovakia was capable of limited autonomy within the frame of her foreign policy, especially towards third world countries. Therefore, more than simply presenting the Cold war as an East-West process, this thesis works with a North-South view. The point of this perspective is that the Cold war itself was not just a clash of superpowers, but was also comprised of acts of international help from Eastern bloc states to, among others, the North African countries such as Libya. To complete this task, the author worked with archive materials of Czech provenance, as well as domestic and foreign...

Le principe qui domine les rapports interétatiques est la préservation de l’intérêt de l’État qui dispose à cet effet de la possibilité d’utiliser le droit international qui apparaît dès lors comme un outil parmi tant d’autres de politique étrangère. La Libye de Kadhafi s’inscrit dans cette perspective. Aussi, dès 1969, les autorités libyennes se sont engagées dans un processus de remise en cause de certaines normes de l’ordre juridique international. Cette contestation s’étend aux institutions internationales (Conseil de sécurité, Cour pénale internationale, etc.) jugées non conformes au principe de l’égalité souveraine. Mais cette posture contestataire de la Jamahiriya ne pouvait perdurer. L’isolement international du pays durant toute une décennie (1992-2003) résultant de l’embargo onusien devait aboutir à un revirement radical de l’attitude libyenne dans ses rapports avec les autres États : d’une politique «militante», elle est passée à une politique juridique extérieure plus classique. Mais ce changement «tardif» ne résistera pas au mouvement de protestation populaire de 2011 («Printemps Arabe») qui, commencé en Tunisie puis propagé en Égypte et dans d’autres pays de la région, frappera de plein fouet la Libye, débouchera sur une insurrection armée et l’intervention de l’OTAN sous mandat de l’ONU provoquant la fin de la Jamahiriya. / The principle that dominates the interstate relations is the preservation of the interests of the State that has to this effect the possibility of using international law therefore appears as a tool among many foreign policy. Gaddafi's Libya is in this perspective.Also, in 1969, the Libyan authorities have engaged in a process of questioning certain standards of the international legal order.This challenge extends to international institutions (Security Council, International Criminal Court, etc.) deemed not to conform to the principle of sovereign equality. But this protest posture of the Jamahiriya could not continue. The international isolation of thecountry for a decade (1992-­‐2003) resulting from the UN embargo would lead to a radical reversal of the Libyan attitude in its relations with other states : an "activist" policy, it rose to a more conventional external legal policy. But this change "late" will not resist the popular protests of 2011 (“Arab Spring”) which began in Tunisia and then spread to Egypt and other countries in the region, will touch Libya, will lead an armed insurrection and the NATO intervention under a UN mandate causing end of the Jamahiriya.

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