This thesis is an investigation into the development of glass as an expressive medium in China through direct contact with Western methods of making, decoration and forming glass. The investigation proceeds through an analysis of the parallels between glass objects produced from Kangxi (1662-1722) to Qianlong period (1736-96), and contemporary practitioners’ (2000-2009), which is complemented by my own practice. The investigation mainly looks at three aspects and their inter-relationship within these strands. They are: 1) the history of glassmaking from 1696 to 1795 in the Qing dynasty with Western influences; 2) the analysis of Contemporary Chinese studio/academic glass within the imported UK model; 3) the development of my personal glass practice within this matrix. Practical work is of two components: reproductions of historical examples and personal creative pieces. The inter-relationship/comparison between these three strands seeks to identify themes, such as the influence of the imported models, reactions to them (the nature of hybrid), and the development of Chinese identity within glassmaking. The purpose is to draw similarities and differences from the comparisons in terms of philosophy, attitude, cultural reference and technique, between Qing and contemporary China, to provide general principles in practice and guidance for future development. Basic information has been gathered from a wide range of sources both in China and in the UK using libraries, museums and galleries / literature from books, journals, archives and websites. Some information has been derived from direct contact (emails, interviews, conversations and questionnaires) with practitioners and scholars. The nature of the research has involved the examination of real historical objects and their technical repetitions, visits to Chinese Universities and personal exhibitions. These investigations included the identification of almost all of the extant examples of the Qing dynasty and their examination in terms of the identified aims of the research, especially in terms of physical evidence within the objects themselves. A body of personal work has also been developed and presented as a case study and used as an investigative tool for analysing the contemporary movement and the making of suggestions. The techniques addressed in this research were developed as examples to illustrate the diverse possibilities of practice. The whole study has been complemented by practice, the outcome of the research naturally consisted of a written thesis and a body of personal work. The written part contains the interpretation of contemporary Chinese studio glass and the analysis of its actual influences from Western practice. Furthermore the comparison of historical experiences is given through the viewpoint of a glass practitioner. A series of similarities and differences and the experiences from other practical models (Western Studio Glass Movement) have been illustrated from the comparison, as well as a set of recommendations and a vision for future development in China. The use of visuals, including image comparisons, technical and process illustrations, drawings, videos and actual samples, are designed to give new insights on the research of Chinese glass and provides an added dimension for presenting and encouraging discourse within the research of Art & Design. Additionally, a comprehensive appendix at the end of the thesis records almost all of the existing Qing glass objects while concentrating on the highest quality of the same category both in and out of China. Further information on relative exhibitions, publications and contact lists are useful for those who are willing to pursue a further study.

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

published_or_final_version / Fine Arts / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

This dissertation examines the cultural dilemma that Chinese intellectuals are forced to confront with between tradition and Western Scholarship in Late Imperial and Modern China. As a traditional poet and scholar, Huang Jie (1873-1935) believed that the Manchurian reign was the reason for China’s collapse during Late Qing Era, and Chinese traditional culture would be the only remedy for the rapidly decaying society. Therefore, Huang initiated the campaign named “Nationality Conservation” in the aim of overthrowing the Manchu Empire. While sticking to “conservative” values, Huang adopted foreign/ Western cultural concepts and attempted to rephrase them with Chinese scholarship. All these endeavors had made Huang’s cultural identity confusing. Hence, this dissertation attempts to deal with Huang Jie’s understanding of culture through analyzing his poetry writings and poetic studies. Immersed by Confucian doctrines about the relationship between poetry and politics, Huang paid special attention to the cultural cultivating function of classical poetry. This ideology of “Cultivation through Poetry” was specifically generated from the Mao Shixu in Eastern Han Dynasty, and then repeatedly expressed in Huang’s poetic works in order to change the corrupt Modern society. In spite of this, Huang still respected and paid serious attention to the literariness of poetry, either in poetry writings or poetic studies. He spent great efforts on the prosody and therefore was well commended among Late Qing and Early Republican poets. Hence, this dissertation thoroughly examines how Huang Jie negotiated the tension between political and literary aspects of classical poetry. After introducing his life history and the ideology of “Cultivation through Classical Poetry”, chapter two and three focus on themes and characteristics of Huang’s poetry. These two chapters explore how Huang established his own poetic style under the trend of Song Poetry Movement commencing from Late Qing. The last chapter investigates Huang’s view on the evolution of literature and focuses on his abundant studies of classical poetry. In the conclusion, this dissertation would like to demonstrate that as a poet and scholar, Huang Jie established the traditional cultural identity, same as his friends in Nanshe, while his faith of “Cultivation through classical poetry” was well challenged at that tumultuous Modern time. / published_or_final_version / Chinese / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

This thesis explores how late-Ming writers interpreted the expression “beauty is ill-fated” (hongyan boming) and how male and female writers constructed and accepted the image of the ephemeral beauty (hongyan) differently. I argue that late-Ming male literati destigmatized and immortalized hongyan, but their interpretations of hongyan reinforced male fantasies about women, and served the status quo of the patriarchal family structure as well as the established literary conventions of the time. Female writers, conversely, often rejected the image and idea of hongyan and even managed to assert female subjectivity in order to reinterpret the male-constructed hongyan. However, ultimately, female writers of the period could not escape from the containment of these patriarchal literary conventions. Even for those female writers who have preserved their voices in their writings, women’s self-expressions have always been undergoing a seemingly infinite process of reinterpretations and reconstructions by male literati.

馬桂順. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學, 1991. / Reprint of manuscript. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 444-459). / Ma Guishun. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1991. / Chapter 一 --- 「金陵八家」的稱謂問題 --- p.1 / Chapter 二 --- 「金陵八家」的時代背景 --- p.23 / Chapter 三 --- 龔賢： / Chapter (1) --- 龔賢的生平 --- p.39 / Chapter (2) --- 龔賢的繪畫淵源 --- p.63 / Chapter (i) --- 當代畫家的影響 --- p.68 / Chapter (ii) --- 前代畫家的影響　 --- p.118 / Chapter (iii) --- 師心與師自然 --- p.152 / Chapter (iv) --- 總結：龔賢對創作的要求及畫風特點 --- p.182 / Chapter 四 --- 樊圻： / Chapter (1) --- 樊圻的生平 --- p.234 / Chapter (2) --- 樊圻的繪畫淵源 --- p.236 / Chapter 五 --- 吳宏： / Chapter (1) --- 吳宏的生平 --- p.276 / Chapter (2) --- 吳宏的繪畫淵源　 --- p.287 / Chapter 六 --- 高岑： / Chapter (1) --- 高岑的生平 --- p.312 / Chapter (2) --- 高岑的繪畫淵源 --- p.324 / Chapter 七 --- 葉欣： / Chapter (1) --- 葉欣的生平 --- p.347 / Chapter (2) --- 葉欣的繪畫淵源　 --- p.357 / Chapter 八 --- 鄒喆： / Chapter (1) --- 鄒喆的生平 --- p.382 / Chapter (2) --- 鄒喆的繪畫淵源 --- p.388 / Chapter 九 --- 胡慥： / Chapter (1) --- 胡慥的生平 --- p.407 / Chapter (2) --- 胡慥的繪畫淵源 --- p.412 / Chapter 十 --- 謝蓀： / Chapter (1) --- 謝蓀的生平 --- p.424 / Chapter (2) --- 謝蓀的繪畫淵源 --- p.428 / Chapter 十一 --- 結語 --- p.435 / 參考書目 --- p.444

吳秀華. / "2004年8月". / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2004. / 參考文獻 (leaves 116-127). / 附中英文摘要. / "2004 nian 8 yue". / Wu Xiuhua. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2004. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 116-127). / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / 論文提要 --- p.i´ؤiii / 緒論 --- p.1´ؤ13 / Chapter 第一章 --- 滿族形象與意識的建構 --- p.14 一41 / Chapter 第一節 --- 滿族源流 --- p.14-18 / Chapter 第二節 --- 滿族特色及意識的定義 --- p.18´ؤ20 / Chapter 一. --- 何謂滿族特色 --- p.18-19 / Chapter 二. --- 何謂滿族意識 --- p.19一20 / Chapter 第三節 --- 滿族形象 --- p.20´ؤ41 / Chapter 一. --- 髮式、首飾及服飾 --- p.20-23 / Chapter 二. --- 民俗 --- p.23-24 / Chapter 三. --- 語言文字 --- p.24´ؤ25 / Chapter 四. --- 宗教信仰 --- p.25-28 / Chapter 1. --- 祖先崇拜´ؤ´ؤ滿洲“三仙女´ح始祖神話 --- p.25´ؤ26 / Chapter 2. --- 圖騰崇拜´ؤ´ؤ鴉鵲敬奉習俗 --- p.26´ؤ27 / Chapter 3. --- 原始宗教信仰´ؤ´ؤ薩滿教 --- p.27´ؤ28 / Chapter 五. --- 民族性格 --- p.28-30 / Chapter 1. --- 基本含義 --- p.28´ؤ29 / Chapter 2. --- 性格特徵´ؤ´ؤ驍勇¯‘ة武、海納百川 --- p.29´ؤ30 / Chapter 第四節 --- 滿族意識的建構 --- p.30-41 / Chapter 一. --- 八旗制度的形成及特色 --- p.31-32 / Chapter 二. --- 維護滿族意識的政策 --- p.33´ؤ34 / Chapter 第二章 --- 滿族特色®t畫中的體現 --- p.42´ؤ65 / Chapter 第一節 --- 題材內容 --- p.42´ؤ45 / Chapter ´ؤ. --- 一.塞外山川、花鳥走獸 --- p.42-43 / Chapter 二. --- 人物事件、風俗 --- p.43-45 / Chapter 第二節 --- 宗教思想 --- p.45´ؤ54 / Chapter 一. --- 原始宗教 --- p.45´ؤ49 / Chapter 二. --- 儒道釋 --- p.49一54 / Chapter 第三節 --- 滿族元素 --- p.54´ؤ57 / Chapter 一. --- 服飾 --- p.54´ؤ55 / Chapter 二. --- 款識 --- p.55一56 / Chapter 三. --- 民族性格 --- p.56-57 / Chapter 第四節 --- 審美意趣 --- p.58-61 / Chapter 第三章 --- 滿族意識在繪畫中的體現 --- p.66-104 / Chapter 第一節 --- 畫家身分 --- p.67-68 / Chapter 一. --- 旗人 --- p.68-75 / Chapter 1. --- 滿洲八旗 --- p.68-73 / Chapter 2. --- 蒙古八旗 --- p.73´ؤ74 / Chapter 3. --- 漢軍八旗 --- p.74-75 / Chapter 二. --- 非旗人 --- p.76 / Chapter 1. --- 宮廷畫師 --- p.76´ؤ78 / Chapter 2. --- 詞臣畫家 --- p.78´ؤ80 / Chapter 第二節 --- 紀實畫 --- p.80´ؤ88 / Chapter 一. --- 記事 --- p.81 / Chapter 1. --- 出巡迴鑾 --- p.81-82 / Chapter 2. --- 戰爭 --- p.82´ؤ83 / Chapter 3. --- 祭祀 --- p.83 / Chapter 4. --- 筵宴 --- p.83´ؤ84 / Chapter 5. --- 典禮 --- p.84 / Chapter 6. --- 其他 --- p.84 / Chapter 二. --- 記人 --- p.84 / Chapter 1. --- 御容畫 --- p.85 / Chapter 2. --- 皇子公主像 --- p.85 / Chapter 3. --- 后妃像 --- p.85´ؤ87 / Chapter 4. --- 文武功臣像 --- p.87 / Chapter 5. --- 太監內官像 --- p.87 / Chapter 第三節 --- 繪畫功能 --- p.89´ؤ95 / Chapter 一. --- 歌功頌德 --- p.89-90 / Chapter 二. --- 教化 --- p.91一94 / Chapter 三. --- 裝飾宮廷或自娛 --- p.94 / Chapter 四. --- 保存 --- p.94-95 / 結語 --- p.105´ؤ107 / 附錄 附錄一清代宮廷繪畫的相關展覽及著作一覽表 --- p.108´ؤ111 / 附錄二滿族源流表 --- p.112 / 附錄三西方學者在滿族史硏究上不同觀點和硏究成果簡表 --- p.113-115 / 參考書目 --- p.116´ؤ127 / 圖版目錄 --- p.128´ؤ133 / 圖版 --- p.1´ؤ104 / 緒論圖版 / 第一章圖版 / 第二章圖版 / 第三章圖版 / 第四章圖版 / 結語圖版

As a genre, the huaben話本 short story reassured readers of a Heaven who punished and rewarded human actions with perfect accuracy. Yet in the years before the Ming明 (1368-1644) collapse, the genre grew increasingly dark. Aina Jushi wrote Doupeng xianhua豆棚閒話, or Idle Talk under the Bean Arbor (c. 1668), only a few years after the Manchus solidified their rule. The only full-frame story in pre-modern Chinese literature, the text is also notable for the directness with which it confronts societal and cosmological questions arising from the fall of the Ming dynasty. It was also the last significant huaben before the genre faded into obsolescence. My dissertation asks three questions. Why was this the last major collection of the genre? How do the form and the content work together? And what does Aina contribute to the Qing cosmological questioning through a genre obsessed with an ordered cosmos? I argue that the text deserves further study because of the beautiful complexity of its narrative structure and voices and its direct confrontation of the fall of the Ming. I also argue that Aina questions if there really is a moral Heaven that rewards and punishes human action and if there is any greater significance to virtuous action. His doubts about the presence of a moral Heaven increase as the text progresses but he is unwilling to completely discard Confucian relational ethics. This is shown by his loosening of the requirements of the huaben structure. The narratives become more incoherent and the content generally grows darker. By the final narrative, Aina drops the huaben form and presents an apathetic cosmos directly to the primary diegetic audience. The resulting cognitive dissonance causes the bean arbor to collapse and the audience to disperse. Aina offers us no moral certitude or clear didacticism.

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