The effects of the public sector reform impacted on all aspects of public services including the performance of the economy. Central to this argument was the re-organization of the operations of the public service from the traditional administration system to the new public management (NPM). Education, a critical service in any economy was not spared. Literatures around the application of NPM (a derivative of market principles and practices) to education (which was value based) suggested that NPM was dangerous for education and could deplete the value system of education and replace that with a focus on accounting for money by individuals who were self-interested and who would seek to maximize their benefit with guile. Arguments against NPM suggested that the human factor was neglected and that education had led to chaos among professionals, stakeholders and students. However, those who argued for the introduction of NPM suggested that it had made the provision of education more efficient, effective and relevant to the needs to the clients. It held those working in the education sector accountable for the resources used and made the system more responsive to the needs of the clients of education. Education in the Cook Islands experienced many changes since western type education was introduced by the Missionaries in the late 1800s. Cook Islands people have always regarded education as a right and also believed their participation in education would improve their lives as well as positively contribute to economic growth. As the public sector reform was a global phenomenon, the currents of NPM also converged on the Cook Islands and affected the delivery of education. Those changes revolutionalized education in ways that was not commonplace in the Cook Islands. However, professionals and stakeholders within education made the most of the system and diverged some of the practices to suit the need, the environment and the culture of the Cook Islands people. Change also refocused education from teachers teaching to student learning reinforcing the dedication of many teachers and education administrators to ensure NPM served the best interest of their clients; the students, despite the workload placed on them. The challenge in this thesis was to understand how the NPM system affected education and how the Cook Islands education professionals worked within the system in their favour. The stories of teachers and Ministry of Education professionals demonstrated that there was no resistance to the application of NPM system in the Cook Islands. In fact, the system was embraced by the education sector suggesting it was a positive change from their previous system of traditional administration. Much of their system was inherited from New Zealand where the environment, layers of bureaucracy and economic status of the country was different. Instead, it appeared the Cook Islands took much of what others deemed as dangerous for education and turned it into a positive opportunity for the Cook Islands education. This thesis presents the story of the revolution in the Cook Island education system.

This thesis is an applied study of the response of a selected group of large construction companies in the Sydney Basin to the National Training Reform Agenda (NTRA). The thesis emanates from an interest in the modern view of public policy that suggests public sector intervention should 'augment rather than impede market forces' (Dollery, 1994:225). This view argues that too much public intervention has the potential to culminate in government failure because governments can be self-interested bureaucracies that are divorced from the interests and constraints of the market. To avoid such an outcome, this policy position advocates that governments should develop and implement public policy that encourages community, industry and individual participation in the policy agenda. This minimalist approach to public sector intervention, and the values it espouses, was investigated through research into the NTRA and the construction industry. / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

This thesis investigates the impact of the reform of the split share structure on the Chinese capital market. It adopts an event study methodology to examine the share price performance around the announcements of the reform and its predicted determinants, the type and level of consideration by using a sample of the top 300 companies listed in the combined Shanghai Stock Exchange (SSE) and Shenzhen Stock Exchange (SZSE). I find the three-day cumulative abnormal returns (CAR) to be negative and significant around government announcement of the reform on 29 April 2005, but the three-day CAR around company???s announcement of the reform to be positive and significant. I attribute this change of sentiment by the market to the release of information about the reform process concerning features such as type and level of consideration. I also regress the company???s CAR on the type and level of consideration and find evidence to suggest that type of consideration matters, where investors prefer payment of shares from capital reserves or retained profits, cash, warrants or any combination of these methods as opposed to payment of shares from non-tradable shareholders. However, I observe no relation between level of consideration and CAR. I interpret this reaction to be that investors perceive that the consideration level is fair and reasonable based on the company???s financial and operating conditions. These results imply that the reform of the split share structure exerts a positive impact on a company???s share price and the extent of impact is a function of the type of consideration.

Hospitals worldwide are under pressure to perform and models abound to remedy poor performance. Reform, however, is contested, uneven and slow. One reason is that few models address a core issue in reform: the management of clinical work. A further reason is that stakeholder groups, specifically policymakers, managers and clinicians, limit opportunities for collaborative problem solving as they seek to impose their own frame of reference in the struggle for control. I hypothesise that performance will be relatively better in hospitals that have in place strategies of agreement to set the objectives of reform, such as participative problem identification, problem solving and decision making, together with a method to manage clinical work. This hypothesis was tested in twelve public hospitals in three Australian states between 1999 and 2001 using both quantitative and qualitative research methods. Government and hospital policy documents were assessed and semi-structured interviews were conducted to gauge the attitudes and practices of managers and clinicians regarding health care reform. The results of the research show that hospitals with inclusive strategies for change, principally strategies of agreement, joint education and skills development, team-based incentives to direct and reward effort and a method of clinical work management, performed better than those without. Findings indicate that policy was developed and communicated as a rational top-down process that tended to exclude diverse views. Although the effect of different jurisdictional policy processes on hospital performance was not clear, they had considerable impact on the environment of reform. Cost containment and patient safety dominated as policy objectives. These alone did not engage clinician interest or address service quality. The connection between the quality of care and its cost did not appear to be understood. Organisational structures and processes necessary to support reform, that is communication forums for objective setting and performance review, integrated clinical and corporate accountability systems and organisational capacity building were not in place in the majority of hospitals studied. An organisational model of clinical work management was developed to improve cost-effectiveness by balancing clinical autonomy and clinical accountability based on the research results.

The thesis is a historical study from a socio-legal perspective of debates about, and developments in, criminal investigation law in NSW since 1945. In that period, the NSW parliament has enacted extensive criminal investigation powers and safeguards. This can be seen as the result of the increasing political sensitivity of 'law and order'. Politicians have sought to exercise (and demonstrate) greater control over the criminal justice system. Legislation has been employed to provide a framework for police actions, and to define a role for others, including judges, magistrates and the Ombudsman. Political focus on law and order has also reversed the incentive structure for the police hierarchy. In the 1950s, there were strong incentives not to push for extra powers, lest policing practices and effectiveness receive unwanted scrutiny. In the 1970s, police were dragged into debate about their powers, in the face of the 'authorise and regulated' model suggested by numerous inquiries. More recently, police organisations have often initiated calls for new powers, in part to explain past failings. Another important factor driving debate and reform in recent decades has been the proliferation of oversight agencies, and academic insights that have debunked the 'rotten apple' paradigm. The Federal Government and Parliament have also been increasingly active in what would once have been considered purely State/Territory realms of criminal justice law and politics. These major influences have been coupled with a host of others, including the impact of a series of Royal Commission and law reform reports, the ongoing war on drugs, and the campaign against police verbals in the 1970s and 1980s. The examination of the forces that have influenced debate and reform yields other insights. For example, the complexity of the phenomenon of 'non-reform' is apparent from an examination of debates about policing in the 1950s. Prevailing trends in law and order politics (eg, that populist politics supports additional powers) can be seen to be anchored in the contemporary political context rather than being timeless truths. The multiple roles of law, in governing relationships between state agencies and actors, not just between police and suspects, are also highlighted.

This biography of Irene Longman is the story of a remarkable woman. A woman of integrity, intelligence, courage and compassion. It is also the story about the period in which she lived and how her life was inevitably interwoven with the lives of others and with the social structure and culture of the times. What made Irene Longman unique was that she became the first woman to sit in the Queensland Parliament. Irene Longman was elected to the Queensland Parliament in 1929, defeating the sitting Labor member in Bulimba. She was nominated by the Queensland Women’s Electoral League and endorsed by the Country Progressive National Party, but held the seat for only one term as Labor swept back into power in 1932. Longman’s career in the Moore government coincided with a brief interruption of continuous Labor rule in Queensland (1915-1957). No other woman was elected to State Parliament in Queensland until after Irene Longman’s death in 1964 at the age of 87. Though her parliamentary career was short, Irene Longman was active in public life for over thirty years. This thesis brings to light her early childhood in Tasmania, her education and development while living in Sydney and will describe her career and the associational networks which shaped her political ideas. In 1904 at Toowoomba, Irene married Heber Longman and they made Queensland their permanent home. Although this study investigates a particular historical period in Australia, a wider account of Queensland life is incorporated to give a political context to Irene Longman’s experiences in the decades after Federation. Irene Longman was involved in a wide range of social issues including town planning and the preservation of flora and fauna. But her professional and voluntary work was principally in the field of the welfare of women and children. Therefore, this thesis is not only a historical study but it also examines other discourses related to Irene Longman’s experience and interest, such as feminism and women’s reproductive function. I consider how the strength of maternal citizenship influences the way women lived their lives and understood their positions in the world.

The phrase “middle schooling” refers to the school setting for adolescent students generally between the ages of 11 and 15 years of age (Lawton, 1999). This period of time has been recognized on a national level as being particularly significant in education. A call for reform in upper primary and lower secondary to address the understanding of adolescents in a complex and changing society has been recognized publicly at a federal and state level (Lawton, 1999). This research evaluates the redesign of one middle school’s structure through the implementation of a vertical curriculum in a catholic secondary college in a country town. The program has been in place for three years in the college and the need to evaluate it takes on significance for the college itself, and the wider educational community who have been discussing and researching middle school curriculum design for a number of years. Research methodology takes the form of attitudinal questionnaires administered to parents, students and staff in the college. Quantitative analysis using descriptive statistics is used for closed questions to look for significant differences between the parent, student and teacher attitude towards the philosophy and delivery of the vertical structure. One-way ANOVA and MANOVA analysis revealed that parents, students and staff were all supportive of the new structure and its driving philosophies, although parents scored significantly higher on the scales examined than staff or students. Correlations and Chi Square analysis were applied to selected scales, revealing overall that the outcomes of the vertical curriculum are being met. A number of areas were also identified as needing improvement, with areas of emphasis differing for the parent, staff and student groups in the community.

This thesis is about the impact of the New Public Management (NPM) paradigm on public sector reform in Thailand. The main objective of the thesis is to explore the question of whether Thai public sector reform belongs to the NPM paradigm, especially whether the intentions and contents of policy documents are actually realised in the implementation process. The study commences by reviewing the transformation of public administration to NPM and how this has affected developing countries. In theory, the traditional model of public administration, namely bureaucracy, has been considered as dysfunctional, no longer able to cope with changing circumstances and the new environment. NPM was introduced during the 1980s and 1990s in some rich countries in order to replace the traditional model of public administration. However, there are doubts about the appropriateness of NPM for the public sector in developing countries. The thesis is specifically concerned with Thailand and as a first step delineates the history of public administration and its reform in Thailand including current policies. This includes the introduction of NPM. The remainder of the thesis is comprised of a case study of one ministry in Thailand. Much of the data was collected from semi-structured interviews with officials in the ministry and government agencies responsible for reform. The case study focused on four dimensions of reform: organisational restructure and redesign of internal authority, public culture and values reform, workforce reduction, and internal NPM reform initiatives. The findings were mixed. Some NPM style initiatives such as restructuring of roles and functions were accomplished. However, some areas of NPM have either been partially implemented (downsizing) or not introduced at all (greater competition in public sector). It was also found that some reform initiatives, such as public culture and values reform, fell outside of the NPM paradigm. The research concluded that the NPM paradigm had made limited progress in the Thai public sector.

The introduction of New Public Management reforms to the Australian Public Service in the 1980s and 1990s marked a substantial shift away from the traditional process-based public sector model to a market-driven one. These reforms accelerated with the election of the Howard government in 1996, which moved the public sector to become more like the private sector, but failed to address directly the changes needed in accountability and control of the APS. This study explores the evolution of corporate governance as a means of filling that gap in the APS. The ultimate responsibility for ensuring corporate governance is appropriately applied in departments of state rests jointly with the minister and the secretary, in their roles in administering and managing the organisation, and in particular fostering and modelling appropriate organisation citizenship behaviour. Corporate governance exists In the APS, as in the private sector, as a dichotomy offormal and informal elements, and the informal elements play a paramount role in achieving results for government that are lawful, fair and reasonable; adherence to formal corporate governance processes alone is insufficient to protect an organisation from failure. The example of DIMA was used to demonstrate that even an organisation with a proud international record in assisting the most vulnerable in the world through its refugee and humanitarian programs can fail if its corporate governance mechanisms are not universally and correctly applied throughout the organisation, resulting in outcomes described as "catastrophic" for the individuals concerned.

Doctor of Philosophy / Using the Wood Royal Commission into the New South Wales Police Service in 1994 as its major case study, this thesis hypothesises that, although this inquiry had a far reaching impact on both the personal and working lives of police officers in the organisation itself, it proved ineffectual in its attempt to control corruption. It argues that corruption, and the subsequent inquiries into this corruption, can be seen to have a cyclic nature and the failure of such inquiries has a long and international history. It contends that the nature of the public inquiry itself can be seen to contribute to the continuation of the cycle of corruption. Clearly, putting an end to corruption requires more than the investigation, public exposure and punishment of a few corrupt police, followed by a generalised tightening of the chain of command. Instead, this thesis demonstrates that the problem is primarily an organisational one and it is important to look at management reforms. This thesis contends that the cycle of corruption involves the nature of police work; the catalyst that triggers the inquiry; the inquiry itself and the issue of the report; and the police and community responses. An examination of all these factors is crucial to understanding the cycle’s dynamics. The final report of the Wood Royal Commission was in 1996 and this thesis specifically analyses the cycle of corruption in relation to the response of the police executive to this inquiry. It shows how the police response focused on the tactical crisis response central to operational policing — in this case appeasing official censure and community fears. As little more than a public relations exercise, senior management strategically addressed the specific recommendations of the report rather than creatively considering the implications exposed during the inquiry. The idea that corruption is a symptom of an ineffective system and not simply a slackening of effective control by senior management was never considered. In the aftermath of the Wood Royal Commission there was much discussion about ‘police culture’ being ‘a culture of corruption’. The forgotten casualties of the inquiry has been individual police officers, many of whom see policing as a vocation. This thesis has allowed many voices to be heard and used both qualitative and quantitative methods to analyse a wide range of information and data, which included personal interviews with serving police officers and members of external organisations, as well as printed material from Royal Commission Reports, Hansard and other government documents, internal Police Service documents and media reports.It has used Bourdieu’s theoretical approach which allows an analysis of the complex relationships involved between police officers as individuals who operate within the wider networks of a specific organisation and the way the personal is important as an explanatory tool of what happens within a policing culture and how this culture is perceived differently from within and without. Bourdieu’s theory also facilitates analysis of the interactions of this network with the wider community, putting in context the responses of both the police service and the community. The connection with the personal is important as an explanatory tool of what happens within a policing culture and how this culture is perceived differently from within and without. Bourdieu constructs an understanding of the ‘nature of the game’ of policing and the shaping of the individual within police culture, giving insight into the source of moral dilemmas, personal beliefs and personal behaviour. As the current management system of command and control is at the heart of this response, this thesis has also analysed the assumptions inherent in this management philosophy, considering both necessary operational strengths as well as organisational weaknesses. A central theme of the thesis is that open dialogue will reduce the incidence of corruption and risk within policing institutions. This thesis argues that there must be an integrative approach to reform — accountable, active leadership combined with critically constructed practical approaches that tackle the complexity of the dynamics embedded in the ‘nature of the game’ of policing itself.