Urban transformation and the production of urban-rural difference have been defining characteristics of reform-era China. In recent years, the Chinese state has taken measures to relieve urban-rural inequity and coordinate urban and rural development. Beginning in 2003, these efforts took the form of “urban-rural coordination,” a national regime of policy reform that included local experiments throughout China. One of the earliest and most significant of these experiments was located in Chongqing, a provincial-level municipality in China’s southwest. In this dissertation, I explore Chongqing’s urban-rural coordination program as part of a larger process through which urban-rural difference is produced, contested, and mobilized in China. I pursue this project through an investigation of Hailong, a peri-urban village that has undergone rapid transformation over the last decade. An experiment within an experiment, Hailong is a site of intense contestation, as planners, party and state leaders, and residents advance alternately competing and complementary visions of Hailong’s future. Far from a typical village, Hailong’s experimental status and peri-urban liminality clarify the contestation of urban and rural, exposing the politics of urban-rural production. While the specifics of Hailong’s transformation are unique, the village therefore offers a window into urban-rural dynamics common across China, making it a privileged case for investigation. Through my investigation of Hailong, I pose the following question: How is urban-rural difference produced, and to what ends? Using a combination of ethnography and spatial analysis, I explore the spatial, temporal, and social dimensions of the political processes that produce urban-rural difference. My investigation reveals urban-rural difference as both an expression of the spatio-temporal unevenness of power and a means to consolidate and contest that power. This contradicts the predominant view that urban-rural difference is a natural outcome of economic unevenness—or, more specifically in the case of China, marketization. Rather, institutions such as markets and planning constitute tools of coordination and discipline mobilized to enforce compliance with actors’ power projects, or alternatively, to contest them. Through this analysis, urban-rural coordination emerges as a political project that simultaneously expands state power and depoliticizes that expansion through its representation as a technical question of market relations. The dissertation is divided into two parts. In Part I, I consider the rationalities and practices of the principal actors involved in Hailong’s transformation: village planners, village leaders, and village residents. In Part II, I investigate the intersection of these various projects in Hailong’s ongoing planning and redevelopment, and I conclude with a discussion of the role of the village collective as a crucial institution in the contestation of urban-rural difference. / Architecture, Landscape Architecture and Urban Planning

Between 1918 and 1932, a number of European modern architects described their work as “scientifically managed” or “taylorized”, and as “laboratory work” or “practical experiments”, all of which were approaches attributable to the principles of organization used in American industry. Scholars would later dismiss these claims as “ideological” or “propagandistic”, since many of the architectural works of this period were in fact neither fabricated like industrial products nor did they perform as efficiently. However, relying on recent scholarship regarding the history of American industrial organization between 1880 and 1918, this dissertation reassesses the claims of these architects, revealing a more nuanced and thorough comprehension of the principles of American industrial organization, particularly scientific management, than has been previously acknowledged. While many modern architects admired the tools, products and spaces of industry, a select group also showed interest in scientific management’s central ontological theory, the “laboratory method”, which called for the fusion of inquiry and material production within a single space. While the laboratory method is most closely associated with Frederick Taylor, who developed this approach specifically for use in the industrial plant, it was Frank Gilbreth, who, by 1918, had translated this theory for use in a different space of production, the construction site. Frank and his partner, Lillian Gilbreth, developed a “multi sensory” approach to projecting processes in “space-time”, one that combined orthographic projection with data mapping and new media, such as photography and film. Their “visualization theory” offered modern architects assistance in an already defined design problem, namely the projection of architectural artifacts at the scale of the pre-modern urban unit, the village or settlement, with the intricacy of a pre-modern manufactured product, such as a door or window, all while considering the perception of a moving subject. Utilizing the principles of modern management, architects sought to rationalize their own “mental work”, the production of drawing sets, as well as to participate in the bureaucratization or standardization of material parameters and social conventions, occurring at the municipal, national and international scales, during this period. While an interest in scientific management among interwar architects was widespread, this dissertation will show that there were few actual examples of the application of these principles to the process of architectural production; the most notable examples were those conducted by Peter Behrens (1918-1920), Le Corbusier (1923-26), Martin Wagner (1924-1929), Walter Gropius (1926-1929) and Ernst May (1926-1930). In all five cases, the primary goals were the same as they had been for Taylor and Gilbreth, the derivation of novel tentative standard methods, and not solely increase in the efficiency of material production. The application of the laboratory method to settlement-building by these architects was not revolutionary so much as it was evolutionary, with Hermann Muthesius’ notion of typological evolution and adaptation, summarized in Kleinhaus und Kleinsiedlung (1920), as well as a set of projection instruments included in Raymond Unwin’s design manual, Town Planning in Practice (1909), providing a crucial foundation for the interwar work. This interwar work was further informed by a series of American experiments in industrialized settlement-building, including the Atterbury, Harms and Small, and Unit Systems. The laboratory method and visualization theory of scientific management required a particular balance of control and feedback, which proved difficult to achieve in architectural production, helping to explain the relatively few applications of these principles. Expanding conjecture from the atelier onto the construction site and into use itself, exposed architects to a myriad of problems that they were not entirely equipped to handle. The unique context of Weimar Germany afforded architects like Wagner, Gropius and May a framework that combined the degree of bureaucratization necessary to support experimentation without the “over-bureaucratization” that would define the postwar period. A similar framework of control and feedback afforded a team of architects, working within in Zagreb, Yugoslavia, between 1957-1964, an opportunity for applying the laboratory method to architectural production. This work would in turn attract the attention of an international group of artists and theorists, the New Tendencies movement (1961-1973), who saw in it the architectural equivalent of “programmed art”. As one of the most frequently cited books at these conferences, Norbert Wiener, explained in 1952, “the notion of programing” was itself rooted in the “work of Taylor and the Gilbreths on time study”, before it was “transferred to the machine”. This research will serve to show that modern architects had translated the principles of industrial organization well before programing became digitized. / Architecture, Landscape Architecture and Urban Planning

The formation of ‘Urban Networks’ has become a wide-spread phenomenon around the world. In the study of metropolitan regions, there are competing or diverging views about management and control of environmental and land-use factors. Especially in China, these matters, regulatory aspects, infrastructure applications, and resource allocations, are important due to population concentrations and the overlapping of urban areas with other land resources. On the other hand, the increasing sophistication of models operating on iterative computational power and widely-available spatial information and techniques make it possible to investigate the spatial distribution of urban territories at a regional scale. This thesis applies a Scenario Cellular Automata (SCA) model to the case study of the Changjiang Delta Region, which produces useful and predictive scenario-based projections within the region, using quantitative methods and baseline conditions that address issues of regional urban development. The contribution of the research includes the improvement of computer simulation of urban growth, the application of urban form and other indices to evaluate complex urban conditions, and a heightened understanding of the performance of an urban network in the Changjiang Delta Region composed of big, medium, and small-sized cities and towns.

Provincial borders and metropolitan theories are insufficient to explain the scale and dynamics of İstanbul’s contemporary urban development. The mega projects of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) such as the İzmit Bay Bridge, the Northern Projects, the Marmaray Project and the İstanbul-Ankara High Speed Train point to a scalar shift. Triggered by mega projects, these emerging spatio-temporal relations transcend İstanbul’s administrative borders. In the light of these developments, this study will use the term “region” to explain the emerging scale in and around İstanbul; and therefore will propose a new terminology and method to represent this new scale. The study will begin with an introduction to urban theories and concepts that explain contemporary “planetary urbanization” (Lefebvre, 2003; Brenner 2014) beyond fixed-monocentric models and constructed dichotomies such as urban-rural or built environment-nature. This theoretical framework will be followed by a discussion on the method and will then continue with a summary of the urban governance structure in Turkey and the urban planning history of the Marmara Region. Subsequently, the land-use-based analyses which enabled the researcher to demonstrate the transformation of the Marmara Region between 1990 and 2015 from different angles will be discussed. The dissertation will conclude with an overall evaluation of the findings.

The goal of this thesis is to establish if the dynamic model of ecological organization at a distance reflect the same influence or different influences than the ones which acted upon the areas in the vicinity of the city. In order to accomplish this, existing studies of Phipps, Baudry and Burel measuring the ecological organization of a rural landscape in two segments submitted to a low urban pressure (between 1 Km and 10 Km from the city) and high urban pressure (less than 1 Km to the city) will be used. The problem is seen from a landscape point of view, from the organization measured in time and from the variable effect of the urban pressure. With the results of this study, we should be able to complete the picture of the study of the dynamic of the ecological organization of a landscape in view of the distance to the urban center. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

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The problem of urban sprawl challenges the management of built-up areas for some decades. Increased population growth following the Second World War, coupled with the growing preference for, and emphasis on, single-family dwellings, were seen to "justify" this type of urbanization. However, in addition to the environmental consequences of urban sprawl (including the destruction of valuable agricultural land), urban sprawl has also entailed costs in terms of urban infrastructure, as has been suggested in several studies. One noticeable gap in the literature, however, concerns school infrastructure. This research aims to fill that gap by analyzing the effects of urban sprawl on the supply of, and demand for, educational services at the primary and secondary school levels in the Montreal area, through a case study. Due to their relevance and direct link to urbanization, three variables (through ten indicators) have been selected to measure this phenomenon. The school demography, symbolizing the demand for educational services, was selected because of its essential role in justifying the supply of such services. Educational buildings (i.e., schools) and grounds represent the supply of educational services. These three measures, to which the school transportation has been joined, are explored in this study from the late 1970s to the 1990s to reveal the diverse degrees by which urban sprawl produces additional costs in the supply of educational services. It has been demonstrated that following the dispersion of the population in space, the demand for educational services in older sections of the city is negative, while it is positive in the more recently established suburban neighbourhoods. Consequently, the supply of educational services exceeds the demand in central localities but is deficient in the suburbs, a situation that requires a reduction in educational facilities in the center, and a significant increase in student-spaces at the periphery. The costs of immobilization respond to the characteristic pattern of urban sprawl, and are proportional to the distance from the city center. Situated at the junction of urban geography and the geography of services, the present study touches on an aspect of the management of space in the Montreal metropolitan region. The costs of urban sprawl in the network of educational services reflect the absence of consultation and collaboration between municipalities and school boards. Those responsible for infrastructure planning and urban planning are themselves at the mercy of the population. The individual short- and medium-term residential needs, often revolved around the availability of inexpensive land for development and adequate financing, are rarely confronted to the long-term collective costs of this type of urban development. The autonomy of municipalities and of school boards, the differences in their respective missions, and the lack of consistency in their own territories, contribute greatly to the absence of coordination and collaboration with respect to the planning of educational facilities. Such an absence, associated with the declining birth rates and, moreover related as well to the growing popularity of secondary residences, has encouraged urban development beyond existing urban borders, with a consequent increase in the costs of educational services.

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