The world has moved into an era where the tempering mechanism of a balance of power has diminished and security is decidedly more complex. Globalization which became a buzzword in the 1990¡¦s as interdependence did in the 1970¡¦s, meant real changes that are of fundamental and profound implications to the politics, economics, military, socio-cultural and environment. The number of players in the international system has increased and the myriad of issues confronting the international community show no sign of letting up. International relations conducted by governments have been supplemented by relations among private individuals, groups, and societies that can and do have important consequences for the course of events. Like all other states, the Philippines pursues foreign policy objectives to promote national security and development. Jumpstarting from a logical foreign policy framework which is ASEAN centrist, though with strong cognizance of the three dominant power players (United States, Japan and China) in the global politics, the ASEAN with the Philippines as one of the prime movers. All these existing ASEAN dynamics, however, officially does not include the country of Taiwan which is the most proximate to the Philippines, and is also strategically situated vis a vis the other ASEAN countries. Most of ASEAN member countries have already recognized and established official relations with the People¡¦s Republic of China (PROC). China officially requires that any country establishing diplomatic relations with Beijing must recognize the ¡¥One-China principle¡¦, which means no diplomatic relations with the Republic of China or Taiwan will ever be made after the signing of the communiqué. Thus, foreign governments have to painstakingly choose between recognizing Taipei or recognizing Beijing, depending upon their respective national interests. Ironically, because of the complexities of the cross-strait issues, ASEAN countries and the rest of the world, except for nineteen (19) countries as of 2006, have chosen to traverse the conventional foreign policy path to China, with the unconventional detour of ¡§unofficial relations¡¨ mode with Taiwan. A cooperation, which is acceptable for Beijing, is only within the realm of economics ¡V trade and investments, cultural, educational and social relations. While the traditional diplomatic track of Philippine-Taiwan relations is consistent with the veritable ¡§one china policy¡¨, as everyone else in the rest of the world, the Philippines maintains an unofficial relationship with Taiwan for trade, investments, social, cultural, educational and other levels of low politics. The timeless challenge lies on the capability of the institutional mechanisms of the Philippines that promotes, harness and enhance these dynamics without transgressing the official metes and bounds of the one china policy. The Philippines entered into official relations with Republic of China (ROC), then the government of Mainland China, when President Manuel A. Roxas signed a Treaty of Amity with Chinese Chen Chih-ping on April 18, 1947. The Philippine consulates in Shanghai and Xiamen, and the legation in Nanjing were closed in 1949 in view of the advancing communist forces. The Philippine Legation was reopened in Taipei in January 1950 during the time of President Ramon Magsaysay and was elevated into an embassy on March 15, 1956. Chinese involvement in the Korean War and the communist insurgency in the country precipitated the Philippine government decision to recognize the nationalist government in Taiwan. No official contacts were made with Mainland China until the early 1970s. . In 1975 however, the Philippines opened diplomatic relations with China, thus the birth of its One-China policy. Correspondingly, on the same year, the Philippines terminated all diplomatic and political relations with Taiwan. The effects on trade and investments were initially dampening for both countries. From 1975 to 1977, economic relations were severely affected - there was no fresh Taiwanese investment in the Philippines. Relations with Taiwan were downgraded to an unofficial, non-governmental level and were limited to economic, trade, commercial and cultural activities. The Taiwan embassy in Manila was renamed Pacific Economic and Cultural Center, while the Philippine Embassy in Taipei became the Asian Exchange Center, a semi-private organization reporting directly to the Office of the President. From 1975 to date, the Philippine-Taiwan relations were all within the sphere of economics and culture, in strict adherence to the 1975 Communiqué, although there were numerous diplomatic protests lodged by China on allegations of violations to the One China rule. Under the One China Policy environment, the Philippines has enjoyed the benefits of maintaining diplomatic relations with the People¡¦s Republic of China (PROC) while pursuing non-official relations with Taiwan. However as an offshoot of these non-diplomatic ties, some strategic concerns have been in the offing, which necessitates a rethinking of the current policies. This paper has taken to task the consolidation of all past studies on Philippine-China-Taiwan relations, and subjected the findings in an analytical framework based on well-established international relation theories. Thus, the two houses of congress (Senate and Representative) can use the paper as aid to legislation in any national policy enhancements vis a vis China relations and possibly, pass the policy that will prescribe the nature of relationship with Taiwan. There had been efforts in the past from various interest groups to pass the legislation, but was vehemently opposed by the Chinese Embassy in Manila. A legislative debate essentially coming from a non-partisan academic endeavor could be acceptable to the Chinese psyche. The assessment of the changing relational pattern using the four theories of realism, neo-realism, liberalism and neo-liberalism will bring to the fore the strengths, opportunities, weaknesses, threats and triggers of the past relations within the two countries domestic environment and the international system. It will subsequently be the basis of the model building and forward looking strategies based on a ¡¥constructivist¡¦ mode of enhancing the people to people contact between the two countries, but without risking and transgressing the metes and bounds of the ¡¥one China policy¡¦. This dissertation is essentially an analytical revisit of the changing relational pattern given the imperative at this juncture of Philippine nation building to re-examine the Philippine ¡V Taiwan relations amidst the backdrop of the ¡§one china policy¡¨ and by and large, reinvent the relations to the best interest of the Philippines. Specifically, the research study will seek answers to the following questions: 1. What is the relational pattern of the Philippine-Taiwan relations from 1947 to 2005 using the key theoretical factors of Realism, Neo-realism, Liberalism and Neo-liberalism? 2. Coming from an ASEAN centrist with strong deference to the power nations of the United States, Japan and China foreign policy framework, what are the implications of the ¡§one china policy¡¨ to this changing relational pattern? 3. In the light of the findings of the preceding research questions and using the constructivism framework, what policy and program model can be drawn up to reinvent the Philippine ¡V Taiwan relations in a one china policy environment and subsequently promote its national interests? In more contemporary initiatives, the author has observed that the Philippine-Taiwan relation is actively dominated by the initiatives of both the business sector and the third sector as well. On one hand, the Joint economic Conference led by the Chinese Philippine Business Council has actively been engaging the businessmen of both countries to undertake policy and program agreements that are mutually relevant to them. On the other hand, some Civil Society Organizations (NGOs and Pos) has through the years been pursuing collaborative efforts in development and humanitarian programs. This study will endeavor to draw up a model of people to people engagement of both countries towards development cooperation. This definitely is within the realm of what is acceptable in the one china policy framework and consistent to the global governance trend in the offing. This dissertation is on a strong proposition that: a). The level of official relationship between the Philippines and PROC will affect the level of relationship between the Philippines and Taiwan; b). The Level of relationship between PROC and Taiwan will affect the level of relationship between the Philippines and PROC; and, c). The Level of relationship between the Philippines and Taiwan will affect the relationship between the Philippines and PROC. Coming from the comprehensive analytical revisit of the Philippine ¡VTaiwan relations in a One China Policy environment in Chapter 4 and the highlighted most crucial points in the preceding ¡§Summary¡¨ portion of this paper, the overarching conclusion of the dissertation is that Philippine ¡V Taiwan relations is decidedly more complex, than be simply viewed from a singular perspective of a theory ¡V Realism, Neo-realism, Liberalism, and Neo-Liberalism. The interplay of the various triggers in the decision making processes of the leaders and the state is predicated on the domestic realities and the international environment. Undoubtedly though, the study has amply proven that ¡§it is an imperative to reinvent the Philippine-Taiwan relations, but MUST be within the metes and bounds of the One China Policy¡¨. The cursory on the recommendations and model building to reinvent Philippine-Taiwan relations is capsulized in Figure 39 below, taking into account the three tracks of ¡§enhanced people to people¡¨ relations, the establishment of the People¡¦s Forum through the Center. All these are geared towards the attainment of the two countries national interests and subsequently, the promotion of the Philippines and Taiwan¡¦s national security