Literary remains often survive more by good luck than good management: looking at the history of the Hawthornden MSS the wonder is that they exist at all. For more than one hundred and fifty years after Drummond's death his papers were treated in a most casual way; handed out to editors, looked over, neglected, lost, scribbled upon and shuffled, till we might think ourselves fortunate to have any left. In the last century a responsible scholar came forward to save what he could, and one of his first emotions was an intense regret at the amount of valuable material that had been destroyed. Drummond died in 1649, leaving behind him in manuscript an unpublished history, several unpublished political essays, a considerable number of posthumous poems, some letters, commonplace books and miscellaneous notes. The history and the essays were at first thought too controversial for immediate publication, and the poems had been suppressed by Drummond himself; nevertheless six years later the bulk of this material was offered to the public. Drummond's son William was a youth of fourteen on his father's death; Drummond's brother-in-law, Sir John Scot of Scotstarvet, sorted through the MSS and sent to the printer Richard Tomlins in London the history and some letters, and a year later, some poems. (The originals may have gone to London, but it seems more likely that Sir John had copies made for Tomlins and his editors, Mr. Hall and Edward Phillips.) During the next fifty years the MSS lay at Hawthornden, where they were pawed over from time to time by Drummond's son, now Sir William, and scribbled upon by Drummond's daughter Eliza. Sir William went through the papers and marked the contents - perhaps with a thought to their publication - and censored the letters, erasing as many phrases referring to the family poverty as caught his eye. He may have destroyed some leaves, for there are gaps in this volume of the MSS.

This thesis explores the ecology of a pre-contact Western Alaskan faunal assemblage, through a combination of zooarchaeological and stable isotope techniques. The permafrost-preserved assemblage was excavated in 2009/10 at Nunalleq (c. AD 1350-1700) on the Yukon-Kuskokwim Delta by the University of Aberdeen, in collaboration with Qanirtuuq Inc. and the Native village of Quinhagak. Zooarchaeological analysis was conducted to identify the species present at Nunalleq. Analysis of butchery marks suggested patterns of human utilization of faunal resources and data on the age profile of the assemblage provided information on the seasonality of hunting and site occupation. A wide range of marine, freshwater and terrestrial species was observed, with pinnipeds, dogs and caribou particularly frequent. Subsequently, stable isotope analysis (δ13C, δ15N and δ34S) was carried out on 20 species identified at Nunalleq. The application of carbon and nitrogen isotope analysis enabled investigation of the diets and habitats of the various species and their relative positions in the food-web. These data were compared with data from contemporaneous Alaskan sites and modern studies, allowing investigation of diachronic and geographical variability. The dogs, as the only domestic species found in the prehistoric North American Arctic with a unique role between the domestic and the wild, were the focus of an in-depth zooarchaeological and isotopic case study. The comparison of stable isotope data from humans and dogs revealed a similarity in diet and, together with osteological evidence for butchery, indicated the complex role of dogs in human subsistence strategies. Sulphur isotope analysis provided a complementary tool with which to explore isotope variability, and facilitated a consideration of its potential benefits in enhancing the more commonly-used combination of carbon and nitrogen analysis in the interpretation of faunal isotope ecology. The advantages of integrating zooarchaeological and stable isotope data are discussed and future research directions are explored.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Science, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. 25th of July 2013, Johannesburg. / The cave deposits at Malapa, on the Malapa Nature Reserve, Cradle of Humankind World Heritage Site, Gauteng Province, South Africa, have yielded the remains of two extremely well-preserved hominins (Australopithecus sediba) and associated fauna, dated by U/Pb methods and palaeomagnetism to 1.977-1.8 Ma. The state of preservation of the hominins and some of the non-hominin material, characterised by complete and near complete elements, antimeric sets of bones, specimens in articulation, and well-preserved bone surfaces, is remarkable in the context of Plio-Pleistocene fossil assemblages accumulated in caves, and indicates a unique combination of taphonomic processes, not yet observed in contemporaneous cave deposits in the region. A comprehensive approach, including palaeontological, physical, and spatial analyses of the hominins and associated fauna was undertaken to determine, describe and interpret the taphonomy of the faunal material, with particular reference to the holotype and paratype of Au. sediba, Malapa Hominin 1 (MH1) and Malapa Hominin 2 (MH2). An innovative combination of Computed-Tomography (CT), micro-CT scanning and virtual reconstruction techniques was applied to create a 3D model of a selected area of the Malapa cave, with renderings of the two near-complete Au. sediba skeletons. The original burial position of the hominins was reconstructed, which necessitated the refitting of ex situ fossils into in situ deposits. The spatial distribution and orientation of the hominin remains illustrate a very low degree of dispersal of the bones, indicative of very little disruption between death and burial, due to an absence of damage by scavengers and possible natural mummification. The very few carnivore-damaged bones and relative abundance of complete and/or articulated specimens, the presence of antimeric sets of bones in the faunal assemblage, as well as the diversity of the faunal spectrum, and the significant percentage of animals with climbing proclivities (such as carnivores and hominins) indicate that the majority of the faunal material recovered was most likely accumulated via a natural death trap. Their bodies came to rest in a deep area of the cave system with restricted access to iii scavengers. Skeletons and bones accumulated in a talus cone below a vertical shaft. There, they decomposed, and became buried without major disruption by biotic or abiotic agents. A new forensic approach, referred to as palaeoforensic taphonomy, was followed in each step of the taphonomic analysis of the two hominins in order to reconstruct the processes of decay, disarticulation, burial and preservation. Results show that both individuals did probably not enter the cave system at the same time. They reached skeletonization and were slightly weathered before final burial, indicating several years of exposure before burial. Insects proved to be the primary modifiers of the hominin remains, pre- and post-depositional with hide beetles (Omorgus squalidus) providing the closest match for some of the fossil modifications observed. Based on the high number of articulated remains, the absence of preferential orientation for the elongated bones and of significant movement of the hominin remains inside the deposit, the debris flow hypothesis that was previously proposed as the principal agent to explain the burial of the hominins and other well-preserved animals is challenged. Evidence of natural mummification before burial for MH1 and MH2 suggests the possible preservation of soft tissue. The innovative 3D techniques applied in this research to conduct the spatial analysis of the fossils proved useful to address taphonomic questions, and will serve as a guide for future excavations of the Malapa in situ deposits, especially for locating the missing skeletal elements of MH1 and MH2.

Cusirisna Cave was discovered in the 1870s by Dr. Earl Flint, an explorer for the Harvard Peabody Musuem. The human remains and artifacts found in the cave were collected and sent to the museum, where they have remained since, unanalyzed. In December 2011, Dr. Clifford T. Brown and I analyzed the osteological material and artifacts because we thought they might be related to the Preclassic cave complexes of neighboring Honduras, an idea originally suggested by Dr. James Brady. I analyzed the human remains while Dr. Brown studied the artifacts. This thesis presents the results of the analyses and compare the findings to other mortuary complexes in Mesoamerica. Despite the paucity of material culture, information regarding context, and the small sample size, I propose Cusirisna as a place of exceptional ritual importance. This project adds to our understanding of cave bioarchaeology, mortuary practices in Mesoamerica, and the prehistory of Nicaragua. / by Kendra L. Philmon. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2012. / Includes bibliography. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / System requirements: Adobe Reader.

Estimation of time since death is an important variable when investigating legal cases involving decomposing human remains; however it has been sparsely studied in controlled environments. Decomposition rates are largely influenced by external factors with temperature being the most critical factor. The decomposition rates can also be influenced by insect infestation, chemical residues, and burial, yet little research has been conducted to document how various factors alter the rate and process of decomposition. A common occurrence at human remains recovery sites is the deposit of residues from criminal activities such as gunpowder and explosives. This experiment will look at gunpowder residue’s effects on porcine remains and the insect infestation after exposure. This study was conducted in two phases: the 1st experiment being conducted in the late spring and the 2nd in the early fall. For each experiment two carcasses were covered with gunpowder residue while one carcass served as a control (no residue). The physical decomposition processes as well as ambient temperature were documented for each carcass. The results for the study showed variable findings between the control and experimental subjects. The insect infestation of the remains was consistent with the data from previous entomological studies conducted from areas of similar climate and terrain. Factors that may have influenced the results are discussed in reference to the effects of the gunpowder residue on the decomposing remains.

Skeletal remains of the prehistoric New Zealand dog, the kuri, are frequently recovered from archaeological sites. Despite their relative ubiquity only one major study, and the last for twenty five years, has been conducted. That work provided limited anatomical and osteometric information and concluded that the kuri population was homogenous through space and across time. This study set out to provide a more detailed skeletal description and to investigate the question of population homogeneity by examinig kuri skeletal material from five museums and two university anthropology departments. Metric and non-metric data was collected from a total of thirty seven archaeological sites from throuhout New Zealand. Variation within the population was established by comparing coefficients of variation across a number of variables. A program of univariate and multivariate analysis was carried out to examine spatial and temporal variation. Results showed that the appendicular skeleton of the kuri has the highest levels of variation. Smaller limb shaft dimensions of late prehistoric kuri are thought to be due to a reliance on insufficient quantities of marine foods. Tooth wear analysis of late prehistoric dogs showed that they had severe tooth wear compared to �Archaic� dogs.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Anthropology, March 1999. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

The general architectural transition from semi-subterranean pithouses to surface pueblos that occurred across the prehistoric North American Southwest has been attributed to increased agricultural dependence. In this study macrobotanical ubiquity scores, percentages, diversity, and richness were compared between pithouse and pueblo assemblages from the NAN Ranch Ruin, Grant County, New Mexico, to assess whether or not the macrobotanical evidence supported a link between increased agricultural dependence and the pithouse to pueblo transition at the site. Rarely were differences between values of relative macrobotanical abundance from the two periods found to be significant. Ubiquity analyses provided some evidence for greater agricultural dependence in the pueblo period. Ubiquity scores declined between the pithouse and pueblo periods for all taxa recovered from both periods, except maize (Zea mays L.) and goosefoot (Chenopodium spp.), an aggressive agricultural weed, probably because the puebloan occupants of the NAN Ranch Ruin relied more on maize agriculture than did the pithouse occupants at the site. Cotton (Gossypium hirsutum L.) was recovered only from pueblo deposits, perhaps indicating that this crop was not grown during the earlier pithouse period. Significant differences that were detected between pithouse and pueblo values of relative macrobotanical abundance were most likely due to the effect of variable sample sizes, when all samples were combined for analysis, regardless of their recovery contexts. Although the effect of variable sample volume was controlled by analysis of sub-samples representing five liters of excavated soil, the sub-samples varied in the number of specimens present. This finding illustrates the effect of variable numbers of specimens per sample on measures of relative abundance and the importance of comparing similar contexts in quantitative studies.

This study focuses on the assessment of the depositional activity that occurred in six caves of the Petexbatun region of the Peten, Guatemala through a quantitative analysis of the human skeletal material recovered from them. Five of these caves are associated with the site of Dos Pilas; the sixth cave (Cueva de Los Quetzales) is located beneath the site of Las Pacayas. The cave is an important aspect of the Maya worldview, as evidenced in the artifactual and skeletal material found in caves by archaeological exploration. My study is specifically focused on the assessment of the primary and/or secondary burial of Maya dead within these caves via analyses of the relative skeletal element frequencies, the minimum and probable number of individuals, and the identification of human cut marks. Based on these lines of evidence and data from preliminary reports, between 100 and 150 individuals of both sexes and various age groups were primarily deposited/buried in these caves. Secondary activity may be inferred based on evidence of human-made cut marks on several elements. There is no osteological evidence to support the hypothesis of human sacrifice. I was unable to determine the status of the individuals deposited in the caves. The best interpretation is that several types of depositional activity occurred within these caves over time.

The general architectural transition from semi-subterranean pithouses to surface pueblos that occurred across the prehistoric North American Southwest has been attributed to increased agricultural dependence. In this study macrobotanical ubiquity scores, percentages, diversity, and richness were compared between pithouse and pueblo assemblages from the NAN Ranch Ruin, Grant County, New Mexico, to assess whether or not the macrobotanical evidence supported a link between increased agricultural dependence and the pithouse to pueblo transition at the site. Rarely were differences between values of relative macrobotanical abundance from the two periods found to be significant. Ubiquity analyses provided some evidence for greater agricultural dependence in the pueblo period. Ubiquity scores declined between the pithouse and pueblo periods for all taxa recovered from both periods, except maize (Zea mays L.) and goosefoot (Chenopodium spp.), an aggressive agricultural weed, probably because the puebloan occupants of the NAN Ranch Ruin relied more on maize agriculture than did the pithouse occupants at the site. Cotton (Gossypium hirsutum L.) was recovered only from pueblo deposits, perhaps indicating that this crop was not grown during the earlier pithouse period. Significant differences that were detected between pithouse and pueblo values of relative macrobotanical abundance were most likely due to the effect of variable sample sizes, when all samples were combined for analysis, regardless of their recovery contexts. Although the effect of variable sample volume was controlled by analysis of sub-samples representing five liters of excavated soil, the sub-samples varied in the number of specimens present. This finding illustrates the effect of variable numbers of specimens per sample on measures of relative abundance and the importance of comparing similar contexts in quantitative studies.