Ce mémoire de maîtrise porte sur la survivance des femmes en contexte de violence organisée. Notre recherche s’appuie sur le témoignage de deux femmes rwandaises réfugiées au Canada dont le récit sera exploré afin de comprendre leurs points de vue sur trois dimensions de la survivance : la victimisation et la revictimisation qu’elles ont subi, les actes qu’elles ont pu poser pour survivre et le sens qu’elles ont donné aux situations vécues. D’abord, ces femmes rapportent qu’au-delà du génocide de 1994, elles ont vécu dans un climat d’insécurité, d’incertitude et d’impunité durant la guerre au Rwanda (1990-1994) et en exil, durant la guerre qui a visé le renversement de Mobutu, le massacre des ressortissants rwandais et le pillage des ressources naturelles par l’AFDL. Leurs récits confirment donc la continuité de la violence organisée d’un régime politique à un autre. De plus, les femmes témoignent de la non-reconnaissance de leur statut de réfugié par les bureaux qui traitent outre-mer les demandes d’asile, du traitement déshumanisant et accusateur des administrateurs de l’aide humanitaire et, de manière plus importante, de la non-reconnaissance des crimes commis par les forces armées du gouvernement actuellement au pouvoir au Rwanda et de leur impunité. Ensuite, les témoignages recueillis montrent des actrices sociales engagées dans l’activisme politique, l’action collective, la protection, la sécurité, la survie et l’établissement de leurs proches, du début du conflit jusqu’à leur arrivée au Canada. En effet, pour surmonter les difficultés engendrées par la violence organisée, elles ont mobilisé et transformé de manière créative toutes les ressources de leur capital humain, social et économique pour subvenir aux besoins de leurs proches et de leur communauté, et ce, tout au long de leur parcours migratoire. Enfin, au sujet du sens, nous verrons d’une part comment les femmes conçoivent leurs expériences individuelles de souffrances comme une histoire de victimisation collective, ce qui semble les aider à normaliser leurs expériences. D’autre part, nous verrons comment une identité de femmes fortes, résilientes et capables de s’adapter dans un climat d’adversité se dégage de leur témoignage, ce qui semble favoriser chez elles un sentiment de cohérence, de continuité et nourrir une certaine fierté. / This Master’s Thesis is about the survival of women in contexts of organized violence. Our research is supported by the testimonials of two women living in Canada who are refugees from Rwanda. We seek to explore their perspectives on three dimensions of survival: the victimization and re-victimization to which they were subjected, the actions they were able to perform to survive, and the meanings they gave to these experiences. First, these women express that in addition to the genocide in 1994, they lived in a climate of insecurity, uncertainty and impunity during the war in Rwanda (1990-94); in exile, during the war to overthrow Mobutu; the massacre of Rwandan refugees; and the pillage of natural resources by the AFDL. They describe the continuity of organized violence from one political regime to another. From the beginning of the war to their arrival in Canada, they were victims and witnesses of human rights violations perpetrated by various armed groups. In addition, these women testify to the non-recognition of their refugee status by the officials that deal with overseas requests for asylum, of the dehumanizing treatment by administrators of humanitarian aid, and more importantly, of the non-recognition and impunity of crimes committed by the military and the government currently in power in Rwanda. In addition, these testimonies show social actors engaged in political activism, collective action and the protection, security, survival of their loved ones, from the beginning of the conflict to their arrival in Canada. In fact, to overcome the difficulties imposed by organized violence, they creatively mobilized and transformed all of the resources available to them in their human, social and economic capital to meet the needs of their loved ones and of their community, and this, throughout the entire migration process. Finally, in regards to meaning, we discuss how women perceive their individual experiences of suffering as a history of collective victimization, which seems to help them normalize their experiences. We also see emanating from their testimony, the identity of strong, resilient women capable of adapting in a climate of adversity, which seems to encourage coherence, continuity and a sense of pride.

Ce mémoire de maîtrise porte sur la survivance des femmes en contexte de violence organisée. Notre recherche s’appuie sur le témoignage de deux femmes rwandaises réfugiées au Canada dont le récit sera exploré afin de comprendre leurs points de vue sur trois dimensions de la survivance : la victimisation et la revictimisation qu’elles ont subi, les actes qu’elles ont pu poser pour survivre et le sens qu’elles ont donné aux situations vécues. D’abord, ces femmes rapportent qu’au-delà du génocide de 1994, elles ont vécu dans un climat d’insécurité, d’incertitude et d’impunité durant la guerre au Rwanda (1990-1994) et en exil, durant la guerre qui a visé le renversement de Mobutu, le massacre des ressortissants rwandais et le pillage des ressources naturelles par l’AFDL. Leurs récits confirment donc la continuité de la violence organisée d’un régime politique à un autre. De plus, les femmes témoignent de la non-reconnaissance de leur statut de réfugié par les bureaux qui traitent outre-mer les demandes d’asile, du traitement déshumanisant et accusateur des administrateurs de l’aide humanitaire et, de manière plus importante, de la non-reconnaissance des crimes commis par les forces armées du gouvernement actuellement au pouvoir au Rwanda et de leur impunité. Ensuite, les témoignages recueillis montrent des actrices sociales engagées dans l’activisme politique, l’action collective, la protection, la sécurité, la survie et l’établissement de leurs proches, du début du conflit jusqu’à leur arrivée au Canada. En effet, pour surmonter les difficultés engendrées par la violence organisée, elles ont mobilisé et transformé de manière créative toutes les ressources de leur capital humain, social et économique pour subvenir aux besoins de leurs proches et de leur communauté, et ce, tout au long de leur parcours migratoire. Enfin, au sujet du sens, nous verrons d’une part comment les femmes conçoivent leurs expériences individuelles de souffrances comme une histoire de victimisation collective, ce qui semble les aider à normaliser leurs expériences. D’autre part, nous verrons comment une identité de femmes fortes, résilientes et capables de s’adapter dans un climat d’adversité se dégage de leur témoignage, ce qui semble favoriser chez elles un sentiment de cohérence, de continuité et nourrir une certaine fierté. / This Master’s Thesis is about the survival of women in contexts of organized violence. Our research is supported by the testimonials of two women living in Canada who are refugees from Rwanda. We seek to explore their perspectives on three dimensions of survival: the victimization and re-victimization to which they were subjected, the actions they were able to perform to survive, and the meanings they gave to these experiences. First, these women express that in addition to the genocide in 1994, they lived in a climate of insecurity, uncertainty and impunity during the war in Rwanda (1990-94); in exile, during the war to overthrow Mobutu; the massacre of Rwandan refugees; and the pillage of natural resources by the AFDL. They describe the continuity of organized violence from one political regime to another. From the beginning of the war to their arrival in Canada, they were victims and witnesses of human rights violations perpetrated by various armed groups. In addition, these women testify to the non-recognition of their refugee status by the officials that deal with overseas requests for asylum, of the dehumanizing treatment by administrators of humanitarian aid, and more importantly, of the non-recognition and impunity of crimes committed by the military and the government currently in power in Rwanda. In addition, these testimonies show social actors engaged in political activism, collective action and the protection, security, survival of their loved ones, from the beginning of the conflict to their arrival in Canada. In fact, to overcome the difficulties imposed by organized violence, they creatively mobilized and transformed all of the resources available to them in their human, social and economic capital to meet the needs of their loved ones and of their community, and this, throughout the entire migration process. Finally, in regards to meaning, we discuss how women perceive their individual experiences of suffering as a history of collective victimization, which seems to help them normalize their experiences. We also see emanating from their testimony, the identity of strong, resilient women capable of adapting in a climate of adversity, which seems to encourage coherence, continuity and a sense of pride.

Introduction Child sexual abuse is a common problem. Psychological and behavioural problems in children and adults who have experienced child sexual abuse have been associated with the abuse. Little research has been conducted which has been long-term, prospective, involved substantiated sexual abuse, included a control group, took into account mediating factors, utilised multiple data sources, relied on standardised measures and had a high follow-up rate. Aim The aims of this study were to compare a cohort of sexually abused young people with a group of nonabused peers and to establish predictors of psychological and behavioural outcome. Method This study was a follow-up which was long-term, prospective, involved a sample of children with substantiated sexual abuse, included a control group, took into account mediating factors, utilised multiple data sources, relied on standardised measures and had a high follow-up rate. Eighty-four sexually abused young people were followed up five years after presenting to Children�s Hospitals� Child Protection Units for sexual abuse and were compared to a group of 84 nonabused young people of similar age and sex. The two groups were compared on the basis of demographic variables, family functioning, mother�s mental health and life events; the outcome measures of depression, self-esteem, anxiety, behaviour, criminal activity, alcohol and other drug use, eating problems, running away, suicide attempts, self-injury, hopefulness, despair and attributional style; and potential mediating factors such as further notifications to the Department of Community Services, receipt of psychological treatment, legal action against offenders and victims compensation. Potential predictors of outcome were (1) demographic variables, (2) sexual abuse characteristcs, (3) intake data and (4) five year follow-up variables. Main findings Follow-up rates were 81percent (n equals 68) for cases and 89percent (n equals 75) for controls. Five years after presenting for the sexual abuse, the sexually abused young people were performing more poorly than their nonabused peers on various measures of psychological state and behaviour. Although the abused children had experienced more negative life events (p<.001), were from lower socio-economic groups (p<.0001), had more changes in parent figures (p<.001) and had mothers who were more psychologically distressed (p equals .03), multiple regression analysis showed that after allowing for these and other demographic and family factors, there were still significant differences between the groups after the 5 years. The abused children displayed more disturbed behavior (p equals .002), had lower self-esteem (p<.001), were more depressed or unhappy (p<.001) and were more anxious (p equals .03) than controls. Sexually abused children had significantly higher levels of bingeing (p equals .02), self-injury (p equals.009) and suicide attempts (p equals .03). Significant predictors of psychological and behavioural outcome were significantly related to family and parent functioning variables. Abuse status was not a significant predictor when offered to each of the predictive models. Significant predictors of outcome included the following intake variables: family functioning, mother�s mental health, whether parents were employed or not, behaviour scores, prior notifications for neglect, history of parental discord and whether there were caregiver changes or not prior to intake. The classification of the index sexual abuse event as indecent assault and whether there were notifications for sexual abuse prior to the index event also significantly predicted outcome. Five year follow-up variables which were significant predictors of outcome were the young person�s age, number of negative life events, attributional style, self-esteem, depression, number of parent changes, anxiety, despair, whether there were notifications for abuse/neglect after intake and having a parent with a history of drug/alcohol problems. Conclusions Difficulties associated with child sexual abuse continue for some years after the abuse event. Child sexual abuse needs to be considered as a possible antecedent of behaviour and psychological difficulties in young people. Treatment and monitoring should continue for some years after the abuse. Treatment may need to be directed more towards young people�s psychological states rather than focusing specifically on the sexual abuse. Family and parent functioning may need to be addressed early in order to prevent some of the behavioural and psychological difficulties associated with the long-term outcome of child sexual abuse.

Introduction Child sexual abuse is a common problem. Psychological and behavioural problems in children and adults who have experienced child sexual abuse have been associated with the abuse. Little research has been conducted which has been long-term, prospective, involved substantiated sexual abuse, included a control group, took into account mediating factors, utilised multiple data sources, relied on standardised measures and had a high follow-up rate. Aim The aims of this study were to compare a cohort of sexually abused young people with a group of nonabused peers and to establish predictors of psychological and behavioural outcome. Method This study was a follow-up which was long-term, prospective, involved a sample of children with substantiated sexual abuse, included a control group, took into account mediating factors, utilised multiple data sources, relied on standardised measures and had a high follow-up rate. Eighty-four sexually abused young people were followed up five years after presenting to Children�s Hospitals� Child Protection Units for sexual abuse and were compared to a group of 84 nonabused young people of similar age and sex. The two groups were compared on the basis of demographic variables, family functioning, mother�s mental health and life events; the outcome measures of depression, self-esteem, anxiety, behaviour, criminal activity, alcohol and other drug use, eating problems, running away, suicide attempts, self-injury, hopefulness, despair and attributional style; and potential mediating factors such as further notifications to the Department of Community Services, receipt of psychological treatment, legal action against offenders and victims compensation. Potential predictors of outcome were (1) demographic variables, (2) sexual abuse characteristcs, (3) intake data and (4) five year follow-up variables. Main findings Follow-up rates were 81percent (n equals 68) for cases and 89percent (n equals 75) for controls. Five years after presenting for the sexual abuse, the sexually abused young people were performing more poorly than their nonabused peers on various measures of psychological state and behaviour. Although the abused children had experienced more negative life events (p<.001), were from lower socio-economic groups (p<.0001), had more changes in parent figures (p<.001) and had mothers who were more psychologically distressed (p equals .03), multiple regression analysis showed that after allowing for these and other demographic and family factors, there were still significant differences between the groups after the 5 years. The abused children displayed more disturbed behavior (p equals .002), had lower self-esteem (p<.001), were more depressed or unhappy (p<.001) and were more anxious (p equals .03) than controls. Sexually abused children had significantly higher levels of bingeing (p equals .02), self-injury (p equals.009) and suicide attempts (p equals .03). Significant predictors of psychological and behavioural outcome were significantly related to family and parent functioning variables. Abuse status was not a significant predictor when offered to each of the predictive models. Significant predictors of outcome included the following intake variables: family functioning, mother�s mental health, whether parents were employed or not, behaviour scores, prior notifications for neglect, history of parental discord and whether there were caregiver changes or not prior to intake. The classification of the index sexual abuse event as indecent assault and whether there were notifications for sexual abuse prior to the index event also significantly predicted outcome. Five year follow-up variables which were significant predictors of outcome were the young person�s age, number of negative life events, attributional style, self-esteem, depression, number of parent changes, anxiety, despair, whether there were notifications for abuse/neglect after intake and having a parent with a history of drug/alcohol problems. Conclusions Difficulties associated with child sexual abuse continue for some years after the abuse event. Child sexual abuse needs to be considered as a possible antecedent of behaviour and psychological difficulties in young people. Treatment and monitoring should continue for some years after the abuse. Treatment may need to be directed more towards young people�s psychological states rather than focusing specifically on the sexual abuse. Family and parent functioning may need to be addressed early in order to prevent some of the behavioural and psychological difficulties associated with the long-term outcome of child sexual abuse.