This research explored several adaptations to tuberculosis among the Indian population of Saskatchewan from 1926 to 1965 in order to demonstrate that this was an era in which disease played an significant role in the lives of the Indians. A broad ecological model' allowed for a variety of interactions to be explored. Within this framework, the study examined: the epidemiology and ecology of tuberculosis in the Saskatchewan Indian population; the development of health services to the Indians and the role of health services in the ecology of disease in this population; and the individual Indians' hospitalization and tuberculosis experience.<P> The epidemic of tuberculosis among the Indians of Saskatchewan began in the early 1880s. Rapidly assuming epidemic proportions, the death rate from tuberculosis among the Qu'Appelle Indians peaked in 1886 at a rate of 9,000 per 100,000. The death rate declined gradually after 1890 through the acquisition of population resistance and the elimination of the non-resistant families. The acute phase of the tuberculosis epidemic, characterized by extra-pulmonary disease in which the majority of cases terminated in a few months, lasted about two decades. Between 1907 and 1926, with gradually improving living conditions, continued acquisition of population resistance, but without application of any specific anti-tuberculosis measures, the death rate fell to 800 per 100,000.<p> Tuberculosis was endemic in the Saskatchewan Indian population by the beginning of the 1930s. Once endemic, the decline of the tuberculosis death rate continued to the end of the 1940s, without application of any specific anti-tuberculosis measures. By the time that specific measures were introduced, the death rate had declined to 417 per 100,000 in 1949. With the introduction of BCG vaccination and antimicrobial drug treatment, by 1959 the death rate declined to 39 per 100,000.<p> By the early 1960s tuberculosis mortality was successfully controlled in Saskatchewan, although death rates remained 15 times higher among the Indians. Tuberculosis morbidity continued to be a problem into the 1980s. In 1984, the incidence of tuberculosis was 21 times greater among the Indians than the corresponding rate in the non-Indian population.<p> Various environmental and cultural factors contributed to the Indian population's experiences with tuberculosis. The most important factor was the absence of population immunity. In addition, concentration of the population on reserves, the occurrence of intercurrent epidemics, sudden and dramatic dietary change, and lifestyle factors such as housing, sanitation and personal hygiene all contributed to incredibly high tuberculosis mortality in this population. The effect of medical care on the epidemiology of tuberculosis in the Saskatchewan Indians was not even considered in the preliminary analysis of the epidemic, because throughout the first several decades of the epidemic, no organized health services existed for the Indians.<p> In Saskatchewan, before World War II, medical services to the Indians were characterized by occasional surveys, the employment of part-time physicians, and health education through the distribution of circulars to Indian agents on health-related issues. Organized anti-tuberculosis programs which were developed in the years following the Second World War, in a large part, account for the dramatic decrease in the tuberculosis death rate in the province through the decade of the 1950s.<p> In the late 1940s, and throughout the 1950s and 1960s, most active Indian tuberculosis cases diagnosed in Saskatchewan were hospitalized for treatment. At least 10% of the Indian population of Saskatchewan received Indian hospital or sanatorium treatment throughout the first decade that those services were available to them.<p> Interviews conducted with fourteen Indian individuals who had been hospitalized for tuberculosis treatment provided two dichotomous perspectives on tuberculosis. Several individuals feared tuberculosis because of their familiarity with it in their families and on their reserves, however, most said that they knew tuberculosis, but they did not fear it. In terms of their knowledge about tuberculosis from a biomedical perspective, most had some idea of its symptomology although its specific etiology was not known. Most of the people interviewed appeared to understand the infectious nature of tuberculosis, however, their concern for their families may have stemmed from observations that tuberculosis was "in" particular families, not necessarily because they thought they could "give" tuberculosis to them. In terms of a perspective on the treatment of tuberculosis, most of the individuals interviewed were aware that hospital treatment was necessary. Archival sources and government annual reports, indicated that many Indians took a very active role in attending to their health needs. None of the individuals who were interviewed refused to go to the sanatorium, except for one woman who ran away several times. Most, however, planned their escape time after time. This suggests that their stay in the sanatorium and hospital may not have been of their own volition.<p> The most common and recurring theme that emerged from the interviews about life in the sanatoria or Indian hospital revolved around the structured, regimented nature of the treatment. Several individuals remembered quite vividly seeing other patients confined in strait jackets and body casts and distinctly remembered how strict the staff was with children.<p> While they were hospitalized, all of the individuals who were interviewed knew several other people who were being treated at the same time who were also their contemporaries from their own or surrounding reserves. All of the individuals also made several lasting friendships with people that they met while in the sanatorium. In addition, all, except for one young boy, were visited frequently by their families and friends. This indicates that the Indian people interviewed were not "isolated" from their families and friends for the duration of their treatment. Hospitalization, for those interviewed, was not a traumatic event because they had an extensive social network which enabled them to cope with the experience. In addition, because of the poor living conditions on many Indian reserves, a trip to the sanatorium or Indian hospital was a relief for some. Indian children in the sanatorium and hospital were given new clothes, toys, and books, and in some cases an education; things they did not get at home. One woman chose to remain in the sanatorium after her treatment regimen ended so that she could complete her education, something she could not do back at home in the north. Only one individual suggested that the experience was instrumental in determining the direction his future took.<p> In demonstrating that this was an era in which disease played a major role in the lives of the Indians, the epidemiology of tuberculosis in this population illustrated the pervasive influence that tuberculosis had on demographic and biological aspects of the population. The history of health services illustrated the role of medical intervention in the ecology of tuberculosis in this population. As a probe for behaviourial adaptations to disease on the individual level, the interviews contributed a human dimension to the study. To complete the picture of the role of disease in the lives of the Indians, the examination of the final component in adaptation, behaviourial adaptation to disease at the cultural level, is recommended.

In September 1905, Frederick W.G. Haultain, Premier of the North-West Territories, was not asked to form the first government of either Saskatchewan or Alberta. Many considered his treatment scandalous, especially since Haultain had distinguished himself during the Territorial period. As the Territorial governments first leader, Haultain worked tirelessly to provide the region with the services the residences of the other provinces took for granted. Despite these achievements, Haultain was not a good strategic thinker. After 1905, Haultain formed the Provincial Rights Party and served as the first leader of the opposition in Saskatchewan. Haultain retired from politics in 1912 after failing to secure a majority in three successive elections. Haultains reputation as an elder statesman developed after his death in 1941. Many scholars have blamed Liberal politicians for Haultains marginalization. In reality, by 1905 Haultain had undermined his own base of support by making poor political choices that alienated his supporters. In seeking provincehood for the North-West Territories, Haultain unwisely alienated his Cabinet colleagues whose support was essential to maintaining the Assemblys confidence in the government. He also failed to build the Provincial Rights Party into a serious alternative to the Liberals because he lacked some important political skills. Haultain failed to enlist any talented individuals to serve along side him in the Assembly. Most importantly, Haultain failed to realize that it was practically impossible to form a government without the support of rural Saskatchewan, and took many positions that alienated farmers. His failure to support reciprocity in 1911 ultimately destroyed his already damaged reputation.

This research explored several adaptations to tuberculosis among the Indian population of Saskatchewan from 1926 to 1965 in order to demonstrate that this was an era in which disease played an significant role in the lives of the Indians. A broad ecological model' allowed for a variety of interactions to be explored. Within this framework, the study examined: the epidemiology and ecology of tuberculosis in the Saskatchewan Indian population; the development of health services to the Indians and the role of health services in the ecology of disease in this population; and the individual Indians' hospitalization and tuberculosis experience.<P> The epidemic of tuberculosis among the Indians of Saskatchewan began in the early 1880s. Rapidly assuming epidemic proportions, the death rate from tuberculosis among the Qu'Appelle Indians peaked in 1886 at a rate of 9,000 per 100,000. The death rate declined gradually after 1890 through the acquisition of population resistance and the elimination of the non-resistant families. The acute phase of the tuberculosis epidemic, characterized by extra-pulmonary disease in which the majority of cases terminated in a few months, lasted about two decades. Between 1907 and 1926, with gradually improving living conditions, continued acquisition of population resistance, but without application of any specific anti-tuberculosis measures, the death rate fell to 800 per 100,000.<p> Tuberculosis was endemic in the Saskatchewan Indian population by the beginning of the 1930s. Once endemic, the decline of the tuberculosis death rate continued to the end of the 1940s, without application of any specific anti-tuberculosis measures. By the time that specific measures were introduced, the death rate had declined to 417 per 100,000 in 1949. With the introduction of BCG vaccination and antimicrobial drug treatment, by 1959 the death rate declined to 39 per 100,000.<p> By the early 1960s tuberculosis mortality was successfully controlled in Saskatchewan, although death rates remained 15 times higher among the Indians. Tuberculosis morbidity continued to be a problem into the 1980s. In 1984, the incidence of tuberculosis was 21 times greater among the Indians than the corresponding rate in the non-Indian population.<p> Various environmental and cultural factors contributed to the Indian population's experiences with tuberculosis. The most important factor was the absence of population immunity. In addition, concentration of the population on reserves, the occurrence of intercurrent epidemics, sudden and dramatic dietary change, and lifestyle factors such as housing, sanitation and personal hygiene all contributed to incredibly high tuberculosis mortality in this population. The effect of medical care on the epidemiology of tuberculosis in the Saskatchewan Indians was not even considered in the preliminary analysis of the epidemic, because throughout the first several decades of the epidemic, no organized health services existed for the Indians.<p> In Saskatchewan, before World War II, medical services to the Indians were characterized by occasional surveys, the employment of part-time physicians, and health education through the distribution of circulars to Indian agents on health-related issues. Organized anti-tuberculosis programs which were developed in the years following the Second World War, in a large part, account for the dramatic decrease in the tuberculosis death rate in the province through the decade of the 1950s.<p> In the late 1940s, and throughout the 1950s and 1960s, most active Indian tuberculosis cases diagnosed in Saskatchewan were hospitalized for treatment. At least 10% of the Indian population of Saskatchewan received Indian hospital or sanatorium treatment throughout the first decade that those services were available to them.<p> Interviews conducted with fourteen Indian individuals who had been hospitalized for tuberculosis treatment provided two dichotomous perspectives on tuberculosis. Several individuals feared tuberculosis because of their familiarity with it in their families and on their reserves, however, most said that they knew tuberculosis, but they did not fear it. In terms of their knowledge about tuberculosis from a biomedical perspective, most had some idea of its symptomology although its specific etiology was not known. Most of the people interviewed appeared to understand the infectious nature of tuberculosis, however, their concern for their families may have stemmed from observations that tuberculosis was "in" particular families, not necessarily because they thought they could "give" tuberculosis to them. In terms of a perspective on the treatment of tuberculosis, most of the individuals interviewed were aware that hospital treatment was necessary. Archival sources and government annual reports, indicated that many Indians took a very active role in attending to their health needs. None of the individuals who were interviewed refused to go to the sanatorium, except for one woman who ran away several times. Most, however, planned their escape time after time. This suggests that their stay in the sanatorium and hospital may not have been of their own volition.<p> The most common and recurring theme that emerged from the interviews about life in the sanatoria or Indian hospital revolved around the structured, regimented nature of the treatment. Several individuals remembered quite vividly seeing other patients confined in strait jackets and body casts and distinctly remembered how strict the staff was with children.<p> While they were hospitalized, all of the individuals who were interviewed knew several other people who were being treated at the same time who were also their contemporaries from their own or surrounding reserves. All of the individuals also made several lasting friendships with people that they met while in the sanatorium. In addition, all, except for one young boy, were visited frequently by their families and friends. This indicates that the Indian people interviewed were not "isolated" from their families and friends for the duration of their treatment. Hospitalization, for those interviewed, was not a traumatic event because they had an extensive social network which enabled them to cope with the experience. In addition, because of the poor living conditions on many Indian reserves, a trip to the sanatorium or Indian hospital was a relief for some. Indian children in the sanatorium and hospital were given new clothes, toys, and books, and in some cases an education; things they did not get at home. One woman chose to remain in the sanatorium after her treatment regimen ended so that she could complete her education, something she could not do back at home in the north. Only one individual suggested that the experience was instrumental in determining the direction his future took.<p> In demonstrating that this was an era in which disease played a major role in the lives of the Indians, the epidemiology of tuberculosis in this population illustrated the pervasive influence that tuberculosis had on demographic and biological aspects of the population. The history of health services illustrated the role of medical intervention in the ecology of tuberculosis in this population. As a probe for behaviourial adaptations to disease on the individual level, the interviews contributed a human dimension to the study. To complete the picture of the role of disease in the lives of the Indians, the examination of the final component in adaptation, behaviourial adaptation to disease at the cultural level, is recommended.

There are four known Late Prehistoric burials in Saskatchewan which demonstrate at least two distinct patterns of mortuary behavior prevalent on the Northern Plains. The Bethune burial located near Bethune, Saskatchewan, is an Avonlea burial dating 1389 +/- 40 years BP. This site is the only Avonlea burial known to date in Canada, and only one of three burials now known in North America.<p> The Sisterbutte, Glen Ewen, and Moose Bay burials are all examples of mound burials. The Glen Ewen mound has been dated at 1220 +/- 70 years BP and 1110 +/- 90 years BP, while the Moose Bay mound has been associated with the Kathio and Devils Lake Sourisford burial complexes. The Sisterbutte mound has not been radiocarbon dated, nor are there any diagnostic cultural remains associated with it. This thesis assembles, and re-evaluates, all the accumulated data on Late Prehistoric burials in Saskatchewan.

No description available.

Several species of raptors are found in prairie landscapes managed and enhanced for waterfowl. Red-tailed Hawks (Buteo jamaicensis ) and Great Horned Owls (Bubo virginianus) may benefit from such management in a manner that is counter to its goals and objectives; that is, waterfowl may comprise a significant proportion of their diet, resulting in a decline in waterfowl numbers. The overall aims of this three-year study were to determine whether the feeding habits of the two raptor species are selective and to determine if waterfowl is a preferred prey group. The diet was determined through pellet analysis, prey remains and direct nest observations during the nestling growth period. Availability of most prey species was assessed through small mammal trapping and by conducting waterfowl censuses. It was determined that both raptors select for duck species. The average waterfowl biomass consumed per nestling represented 21.5% of the total biomass consumed for Great Horned Owls and 23.5% for Red-tailed Hawks. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

This thesis explores the experience of dialect speakers of Indigenous English in the Standard English School. Indigenous English is a dialect of English spoken by many Aboriginal people in Canada; it is especially discernable in the Prairie Provinces, yet it is not widely recognized by the majority of the population. This classroom study was conducted in a semi-urban community in East Central Saskatchewan. The focus of the research was six children in a Grade 3 classroom, four of whom are First Nations and Indigenous English Speakers. The remaining two children are White and speakers of Standard English. The results of this study indicate that the First Nations children of this study speak a dialect of English that differs phonologically, morphologically, syntactically, and lexically from the Standard English spoken in Saskatchewan. These children are all below grade level in Language Arts and follow modified programs. They experience difficulty in phonics and spelling and are receiving additional support from classroom assistants, resource room teachers and speech pathologists. It would also appear that these children are experiencing institutional racism in a number of forms. Possible resolutions to the problems faced by these students may include teacher training and dialect awareness classes. This field has not been adequately explored and further research is needed to discover viable solutions to the issues experienced by dialect speakers of Indigenous English in the Standard English classroom.

This study was concerned with analysis of the habitat of beaver (Castor canadensis Kuhl). The hypothesis that an animal's condition reflects the adequacy of its environment was used as a basis for the evaluation. The growth rates of beaver on two different habitat types in Prince Albert National Park, Saskatchewan, are compared and the habitats are classified accordingly. Beaver were raised under experimental conditions at the University of British Columbia and the growth rates and feed consumptions were recorded. The bioenergetics of the beaver are calculated and the results, combined with qualitative and quantitative measures of the habitats on the study areas, are used to elucidate the energy relations of the natural colonies of beaver under study. The relative growth of some organ weights and body measurements are described. Unsuccessful attempts are made to derive a condition index for beaver by using all measurements available and subjecting them to various analyses. Finally, the sequential measurements of beaver on the study areas are compared for both summer and winter seasons. These studies indicated that the condition of a beaver, whether measured by growth rate or relative growth, accurately designates the value of its habitat. Differences in condition of beaver occurred most prominently during the winter as a result of the strict limitations in the quality and quantity of available food. Fourteen beaver livers were analyzed to determine whether a chemical change of liver tissue accompanies a change in the condition of the animal. Over the period studied, May 2 to October 15, no progressive change could be found. The reproductive rates of beaver from Elk Island National Park, Alberta, and Prince Albert National Park, Saskatchewan, are compared. Beaver from the former park showed a significantly higher reproductive rate. This was correlated with habitat differences between the two areas indicating that the reproductive rate is another attribute of the animal which will reflect the adequacy of the environment. / Science, Faculty of / Zoology, Department of / Graduate

This study presents Aboriginal artists' perspectives on the study of Native art in the school curriculum. The case study is a naturalistic inquiry that employs ethnographic techniques to interview nine Saskatchewan artists, five females and four males. Overall, the artists agree on having Native art content in school programs, especially for Native students. All the artists believe that Aboriginal peoples should be involved in the definition and presentation of their art in the school curriculum. The artists show that content, and materials, may or may not be traditional. The artists prefer an observing and modelling approach to teaching bead and leather work, and to teaching drawing and painting. The male artists, primarily, support a research approach for studying the vast, diverse, and complex art of indigenous peoples. As well as learning about the art, the artists stress learning from the art including history, ecology, and about art from a non-Western perspective. The words, stories, and views of all the artists emphasize that art is a dynamic part of Aboriginal peoples' lives and cultures; one which they are willing to explain and share. Native art is a rich resource for school curriculum. It is a resource that must be and can be shaped by Aboriginal peoples. / Education, Faculty of / Curriculum and Pedagogy (EDCP), Department of / Graduate

No description available.