Au moment ou la menace sovietique venant de l'Est a disparu, beaucoup d'observateurs se seraient attendus sinon a la disparition, du moins a une restructuration profonde de l'OTAN qui tienne compte de la nouvelle configuration des forces en Europe. Certains paradigmes ont meme affirme que la guerre froide etant terminee, l'element militaro-securitaire n'est plus aussi important qu'avant, surtout avec la globalisation de l'economie mondiale. Selon eux, l'Ordre post-guerre froide n'est pas un ordre domine par l'hegemonie americaine, c'est-a-dire ou la securite militaire, politique et eonomique internationales en general, et europeennes en particulier, restent structurees par le leadership americain. Pourtant, notre these arrive a la conclusion que la transition de la guerre froide au nouvel ordre mondial n'est pas aussi radicale qu'on pourrait le penser. L'OTAN tout en se renouvelant, reste l'organisation principale de la securite europeenne. Ce qui, a notre avis, consolide le leadership hegemonique des Etats-Unis de par leur statut nucleaire et leur immense capacite militaire. Par ailleurs, notre these demontre que ce leadership americain est aussi rendu possible par l'absence de consensus entre les pays de l'Europe occidentale sur le projet de securite et de defense europeen. Cette absence de consensus permet aux Etats-Unis, malgre la disparition de la menace venant de l'Est, de continuer a exercer un leadership hegemonique dans la gestion de la securite et de la defense europeennes.

Growing world poverty is a paramount problem for international development assistance organizations. Substantial multilateral funding, coupled with decades of development assistance activity, has done little to reduce poverty in the less developed countries. Globalized market-led development continues to be the conventional approach towards the resolution of this problem. This thesis argues that the United Nations Development Programme's (UNDP) promotion of the globalization discourse and its adherence to a market-led development philosophy and practice have restricted its ability to effectively reduce world poverty. Rooted historically in the establishment and maintenance of the post-war hegemonic world order, the UNDP represents part of the institutional framework that was designed to protect and advance Western economic and political interests. This paper employs discourse analysis to evaluate the UNDP's response to two specific world order crises--the first in 1975 and the second in 1990. The thesis also uses a method of critical analysis in order to isolate and analyze points of contradiction within the discourse/project orientation of the UNDP. Thus, by questioning and critically exposing the UNDP's adherence to a market-led development approach, this thesis will systematically deconstruct the UNDP's discourse thereby revealing the otherwise disguised power relationships revolving within and around the organization.

L'objet de cette these de mai trise est la cooperation policiere entre le Canada et les Etats-Unis en matiere de renseignement criminel. L'etude se veut exploratoire et cherche avant tout a comprendre le fonctionnement et les mecanismes de cette meme cooperation. Ainsi, dans le premier chapitre l'auteur avance que la cooperation policiere internationale prend place dans un cadre beaucoup plus vaste que les simples echanges de bons procedes entre deux pays voisins. Depuis deja plusieurs annees, d'autre auteurs en sciences sociales affirment que les societes occidentales sont dans une periode transitoire au niveau historique. Le paradigme de la modernite serait a sa fin. En consequence, l'Etat moderne et ses institutions connaissent des transformations majeures. Pafini celles-ci la police. La question postmoderne est donc au coeur de nos preoccupations dans cette these. Dans un premier temps nous nuus sommes efforces de faire certaines distinctions conceptuelles entre le postmodernisme, la postmodernite et le postmoderne. Par la suite, nous nous sommes attardes a difinir l'institution policiere. Ainsi nous avons effectue une analyse de l'histoire de la police moderne. Dans le deuxieme chapitre nous avons aborde la question methodologique de notre etude. Dans le troisieme chapitre nous avons developpe sur le cadre legal a l'interieur duquel s'effectue les echanges de renseignements entre les corps policiers canadiens et americains. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)

On May 14, 1948 the State of Israel was proclaimed independent and within minutes was immediately recognised by the United States. This recognition not only opened the door to future U.S. foreign policy initiatives in the Middle East but gave the U.S. a strong presence in the Middle East via Israel. The evolution of the relationship between the U.S. and Israel has progressed from that of limited involvement to an unusual partnership. 1967 marked the turning point in U.S.-Israeli relations, the U.S. began implementing foreign policies more favourable to Israel and began a new course in the relationship providing Israel with considerable amounts in U.S. funds and military support. This thesis examines the development of this unique relationship in foreign policy resulting in the sizeable transfers of U.S. funds and military support. It looks at the foreign policy decision making process of the different administrations since Israel's birth. Focus on the decision making process is primarily directed towards the president and his secretary of state. This thesis looks at how seven determinants weigh on each administration with a variation from president to president and secretaries of states. These determinants are said to have diversely affected the outcome of U.S. foreign policy decisions towards Israel. The seven determinants are: (1) the beliefs, attitudes, and personality of the president, (2) the beliefs, attitude and personality of the secretary of state, (3) the relations between the president and the secretary of state, (4) the role of the American Jewish community, (5) the role of Congress particularly in regards to foreign aid, (6) the role of other domestic groups and pressures in American politics, (7) the international strategic environment, particularly during the cold war era.

In the empirical literature on the revenue consequences of trade liberalization, most studies have focused on cross-country analysis. Because these studies are static in nature, they have not addressed the short-run and long-run dynamic public revenue and public investment consequences of economic reforms in developing countries. This dissertation contributes to the literature employing a dynamic time series analysis of the three East African countries-Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda. The dissertation uses a co-integration and error-correction framework to distinguish between short-run and long-run relationships. The results indicate that trade reforms in Tanzania, Kenya and Uganda had varying impacts on government revenue, tax performance and public investment spending in these three countries. It is demonstrated that trade reforms had adverse impact on government revenue in Uganda, but not in Tanzania and Kenya. The results also show that Tanzania has had the weakest overall tax revenue and public investment. Poor tax performance and erratic revenue generation have been problems in all three countries, contributing to adverse impacts on public investment spending.

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