SENĆOŦEN has a set of second-position clitics (2PCs) (‘little’, unstressed elements, such as the first person subject SEN), following the initial prosodic word (full word) of the clause. This thesis, which studies the distribution of the 2PCs, is divided into two parts: a linguistic analysis and a co-authored teaching appendix. In the linguistic analysis, I propose that 2PCs occur following the initial prosodic word as a result of constraints governing the mapping between syntactic and prosodic structure. In the syntax, I propose that SENĆOŦEN 2PCs occupy positions above the prosodic word that ultimately precedes them. However, a preference for ‘strong’ left edges of prosodic constituents (intonational units) results in the violation of the constraint governing linearization of the syntactic structure, allowing the clitics to follow the initial prosodic word. The teaching appendix, developed collaboratively with STOLȻEȽ Elliott, employs concepts from the linguistic analysis in a way that is useful for language learners and teachers. / Graduate / 0290 / mhuijs@telus.net

Investigation on second-position clitic phenomena has steadily increased since Wackernagel’s (1892) observations. Researchers have applied contemporary clitic typology to various Semitic languages though Syriac has received little attention. This thesis identifies a group of Syriac rhetorical particles and describes their categorization as clitics, versus words or affixes. It establishes each of the Syriac particles as second-position clitics and provides evidence of this conclusion from a state-of-the-art digitized corpus of Syriac literature. Extending previous Syriac analyses, this thesis describes the nature of attachment of these second-position clitics as enclisis to either the first word or the first constituent/phrase of their domain. This variable clitic attachment behavior has been previously attested only in three other unrelated languages: Serbo-Croatian, Luiseño and Ngiyambaa. I discuss the analysis and application of these discoveries and their implications for future Syriac and linguistic research.

This paper aims to spell out the post-syntactic operations involved in the placement of second-position subject clitics in Alsea, an extinct language of the central Oregon coast. It assumes that the subject clitic is a syntactic head that is moved to a complementizer position in syntax, but is linearized in a post-syntactic morphological component in PF; operations in morphology account for the deviation of the subject clitic from its syntactic output position. Based on Buckley (1994), this paper proposes a two-stage post-syntactic derivation to account for the subject clitic distribution in Alsea: (i) concatenation, in which the subject clitic adjoins to an adjacent head of the same type to satisfy its suffixal requirement, (ii) prosodic readjustment, whereby a clitic whose morphological host is non-overt, leans rightward to procliticize to the first prosodic constituent.

I investigate the phonology of prosodic clitics--independent syntactic words not parsed as independent prosodic words--in Bosnian, Serbian, and Croatian. I ask, first, how clitics are organized into prosodic structures, and second, how this is determined by the grammar. Following Zec (1997, 2005), I look at several clitic categories, including negation, prepositions, complementizers, conjunctions, and second-position clitics. Based on a reanalysis of word accent (Browne and McCawley 1965, Inkelas and Zec 1988, Zec 1999), I argue that in some cases where a preposition, complementizer, or conjunction fails to realize accent determined by a following word, it is not a proclitic-- that is, prosodified with the following word--but rather a free clitic parsed directly by a phonological phrase. Conversely, the second-position clitics are not always enclitic--that is, prosodified with a preceding word--but are sometimes free. Their second-position word order results not from enclisis, but from the avoidance of free clitics at phrase edges, where they would interfere with the alignment of phonological phrases to prosodic words. Regarding the determination of clisis by the grammar, I argue for an interface constraint approach (Selkirk 1995, Truckenbrodt 1995), whereby prosodic structures are built according to general constraints on their well-formedness, and on their interface to syntactic structures. I contrast this with the subcategorization approach , which sees clisis as specified for each clitic (Klavans 1982, Radanovic-Kocic 1988, Zec and Inkelas 1990). The comparison across clitic categories provides key support for the interface constraint approach, showing that their prosody depends on their syntactic configurations and phonological shapes, rather than on arbitrary subcategorizations. Prosodic differences across categories are a derivative effect of their configuration in the clause, and of the division of the clause into phonological phrases. The relevance of phonological phrases consists in how their edges discourage some kinds of clisis, blocking, for example, proclisis of complementizers and conjunctions to their complements. Free clisis is disfavored at phrase edges, producing the second-position effect. Thus, the interface constraint approach leads to a unified account of word, phrase, and clitic prosody.

Orientadores: Charlotte Marie Chambelland Galves, Josep Maria Fontana Méndez / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Estudos da Linguagem / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-19T13:00:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Pinto_CarlosFelipe_D.pdf: 2643369 bytes, checksum: c13cfeeaac0894eb3c85dbf9f9f25e41 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: Esta Tese discute a mudança na ordem de constituintes e no posicionamento do verbo finito na história do espanhol europeu. Fontana (1993) propõe que o espanhol antigo era uma língua V2 simétrica, como o iídiche e o islandês atuais, na qual o verbo se movia para Io e SpeclP era uma posição A-Barra. Zubizarreta (1998) propõe que, no espanhol atual, o verbo também se mova para |o e que SpeclP ainda seja uma posição A-Barra. Neste sentido, se entende que a proposta de Zubizarreta (1998) é a de que as duas fases da língua são estruturalmente idênticas; contudo, o que os dados de Fontana (1993) mostram é que há diferenças estruturais importantes entre elas. O Capítulo 01 se concentra na discussão formal do efeito V2 nas línguas germânicas, que são consideradas as línguas V2 prototípicas, enfatizando: a) qual é o gatilho para o movimento do verbo; b) o que desencadeia a variação na manifestação do efeito V2 nas orações subordinadas fazendo com que algumas línguas apresentem efeito V2 irrestritamente e outras só apresentem efeito V2 nas orações matrizes. É proposta uma análise unificada em que, em ambos os casos, o verbo sempre se move para Co em orações matrizes e que a variação no traço [±asserção] é o responsável pela variação do efeito V2 nas orações subordinadas. O Capítulo 02 apresenta os dados do espanhol antigo e do espanhol atual. O trabalho se concentra em orações finitas e declarativas. Mostra-se que há aspectos que não distinguem superficialmente as duas fases, como a quantidade de constituintes pré-verbais, a posição do sujeito em relação ao verbo simples e a relação do verbo com os advérbios e o objeto direto. Por outro lado, há aspectos superficiais que diferenciam claramente as duas fases, tais como o posicionamento dos clíticos, a ordem O-V e a retomada clítica, a posição do sujeito nos complexos verbais, a ordem XP-V e a posição do sujeito. O Capítulo conclui que a diferença entre as duas fases, com relação às ordens V1, V2 e V>2, é qualitativa e não quantitativa e que o espanhol antigo possuía variação gramatical, apresentando uma gramática semelhante à gramática atual e uma gramática V2. O Capítulo 03 propõe uma análise formal para os fatos discutidos no Capítulo 02. Discute-se a posição do sujeito, propondo que os sujeitos pós-verbais se movem sempre do VP e que os sujeitos pré-verbais podem ter também uma posição dentro do IP. Com relação à ordem O-V e a duplicação clítica, se mostra que a diferença entre as duas fases está relacionada com a noção de operador. Por fim, se discute o movimento do verbo e é proposto que, no espanhol atual, o verbo se mova unicamente para r (tanto em orações neutras como em orações marcadas) e, no espanhol antigo, na gramática V2, o verbo se mova generalizadamente para C\ O Capítulo 04 procura explicar a mudança gramatical de uma fase para a outra, relacionando questões da história interna com aspectos da sócio-história. Assume-se que a aquisição da linguagem é o lugar da mudança lingüística; faz-se um rápido panorama da formação do espanhol e se sugere que o efeito V2 encontrado no espanhol antigo é decorrente de influências germânicas, através do contato de línguas e transmissão lingüística irregular. A perda do efeito V2 é explicada por uma mudança paramétrica devido a uma alteração no input ao qual as crianças dos Séculos XV e XVI eram expostas. O Capítulo termina discutindo uma possível influência do espanhol na perda do efeito V2 no português europeu. As conclusões gerais são as seguintes: a) línguas V2 apresentam sempre movimento do verbo para CP em orações matrizes e têm as orações subordinadas abertas a parametrização (não existe V2 em IP, que é sempre uma projeção A); b) o espanhol antigo e o espanhol atual não são o mesmo tipo de gramática, mesmo que superficialmente possam produzir enunciados semelhantes / Abstract: This Thesis discusses the change in the order of constituents and in the position of the finite verb in the history of the European Spanish. Fontana (1993) proposes that the Old Spanish was a symmetrical V2 language, just like Current Yiddish and Icelandic, in which the verb would move to Io and SpeclP would be an A-Bar position. Zubizarreta (1998) proposes that in Current Spanish the verb movement is also to r and that SpeclP is still an A-Bar position. In that sense, it is understood that both phases of Spanish are structurally identical; however, what Fontana (1993)'s data show is that there are important structural differences between them. Chapter 01 focuses on the formal discussion of the V2 phenomena in the Germanic languages, which are considered to be the prototypical V2 languages, emphasizing: a) which is the trigger to the movement of the verb; b) what unleashes the variation in the manifestation of the V2 effect in the embedded clauses, making some languages present the V2 effect unrestrictively and some others only present the V2 effect in the matrix clauses. A unified analysis is proposed where in both cases the verb always moves to Co in matrix clauses and that the variation of feature [±assertion] is responsible for the variation of the V2 effect of the embedded clauses. Chapter 02 presents the data of both Old and Current Spanish. The work focuses in finite and declarative clauses. It is shown that there are aspects which do not distinguish the two phases superficially, like the pre-verbal constituents, the position of the subject according to the simple verb and the relationship among adverbs and the direct object. On the other hand, there are superficial aspects which clearly differentiate both phases, as the position of the clitics, the O-V order and the clitic resumption, the position of the subject in the complex verbs, the XP-V order and the subject position. This chapter concludes that the difference between both phases in relation to the V1, V2 and V>2 orders is qualitative and not quantitative and that the Old Spanish possesses grammatical variation, presenting an alike grammar to the current grammar and the V2 grammar. Chapter 03 proposes a formal analysis of the facts discussed in Chapter 02. It is discussed the position of the subject, suggesting that the post-verbal subjects always move to VP and that the pre-verbal subjects can also have a position within IP. In relation to the O-V order and the clitic doubling, it is shown that the difference between the two phases is related to the notion of operator. To sum up, it is discussed the movement of the verb and it is proposed that in the Current Spanish the verb moves only to T (as long in neutral clauses as in marked clauses) and that, in Old Spanish, in the V2 grammar, the verb moves generally to Co. Chapter 04 tries to explain the grammatical change from one phase to the other, relating questions of intern history with social-historical aspects. It is assumed that the acquisition of language is the place of the linguistic change; there is a brief overview of the formation of Spanish and it is suggested that the V2 effect found in the old Spanish comes from Germanic influences through the contact of languages and through the irregular linguistic transmission. The loss of the V2 effect is explained by a parametric change due to an alteration in the input in which children of the XV and XVI centuries were exposed. The chapter finishes with a discussion of a possible influence of the Spanish in the loss of the V2 effect in the European Portuguese. The general conclusions are the following: a) V2 languages always display verb movement to CP in matrix clauses and they have embedded clauses opened to parametrization (there is not V2 in IP, which is always an A projection); b) Old Spanish and Current Spanish have not the same type of grammar, although superficially both can make similar utterances / Doutorado / Linguistica / Doutor em Linguística