Issued also as Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 26) and index.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Oklahoma, 1987. / Bibliography: leaves 424-443.

The Seminole people of Florida have used plants as traditional remedies for hundreds of years. After European contact their knowledge was transformed from proto-Muskhogean practices to new hybrids of traditional and modem practices. As a result of European pressure and influence, there is a risk of this knowledge being lost. Traditional Botanical Knowledge (TBK) can shed light on new compounds and healing properties for use in the medical and holistic communities of the U.S. This project systematically examines the connections between extant cosmological knowledge and extant medicinal knowledge among the Seminole. This study uses a number of methods and sources of data: ethnographic interviews, field observations at Seminole and Miccosukee events, demographic information, myths, material culture, artwork, field notes and publications by anthropologists and botanists were used as well to find patterns connecting medicinal flora with metaphysical associations such as animals, directions, colors, and temperatures similar to other Native American cultures. Larger implications of this research include the production of a useful ethno-medical and ethno-botanical research tool and the preservation of cultural practices within a threatened culture.

No description available.

Thesis (master's)--Southern Illinois University at Carbondale, 1973. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [97]-98).

Thesis (master's)--Southern Illinois University at Carbondale, 1973. / Includes bibliographical references (p. [97]-98).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oklahoma, 1997. / Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pennsylvania, 1931. / Bibliography: p. 84-86.

Florida’s Spanish borderland was the result of over two hundred and fifty years of cooperation and contention among Indians, Spain, Britain, the United States and Africans who lived with them all. The borderland was shaped by the differing cultural definitions of color and how color affected laws about manumission, miscegenation, legitimacy, citizenship or degrees of rights for free people of color and to some extent for slaves themselves. The borderland did not vanish after the United States acquired Florida. It persisted in three ways. First, in advocacy for the former Spanish system by some white patriarchs who fathered mixed race families. Free blacks and people of color also had an interest in maintaining their property and liberties. Second, Indians in Florida and escaped slaves who allied with them well knew how whites treated non-whites, and they fiercely resisted white authority. Third, the United States reacted to both of these in the context of fear that further slave revolutions in the Caribbean, colluding with the Indian-African alliance in Florida, might destabilize slavery in the United States. In the new Florida Territory, Spanish era practices based on a less severe construction of race were soon quashed, but not without the articulate objections of a cadre of whites. Led by Zephaniah Kingsley, their arguments challenged the strict biracial system of the United States. This was a component of the persistent borderland, but their arguments were, in the end, also in the service of slavery and white patriarchy. The persistent border included this ongoing resistance to strict biracialism, but it was even more distinct because of the Indian-African resistance to the United States that was not in the service of slavery. To defend slavery and whiteness, the United States sent thousands of its military, millions of its treasure, and spent years to subdue the Indian-African alliance and to make Florida and its long shorelines a barrier to protect whiteness and patriarchy in the Deep South.

Florida’s Spanish borderland was the result of over two hundred and fifty years of cooperation and contention among Indians, Spain, Britain, the United States and Africans who lived with them all. The borderland was shaped by the differing cultural definitions of color and how color affected laws about manumission, miscegenation, legitimacy, citizenship or degrees of rights for free people of color and to some extent for slaves themselves. The borderland did not vanish after the United States acquired Florida. It persisted in three ways. First, in advocacy for the former Spanish system by some white patriarchs who fathered mixed race families. Free blacks and people of color also had an interest in maintaining their property and liberties. Second, Indians in Florida and escaped slaves who allied with them well knew how whites treated non-whites, and they fiercely resisted white authority. Third, the United States reacted to both of these in the context of fear that further slave revolutions in the Caribbean, colluding with the Indian-African alliance in Florida, might destabilize slavery in the United States. In the new Florida Territory, Spanish era practices based on a less severe construction of race were soon quashed, but not without the articulate objections of a cadre of whites. Led by Zephaniah Kingsley, their arguments challenged the strict biracial system of the United States. This was a component of the persistent borderland, but their arguments were, in the end, also in the service of slavery and white patriarchy. The persistent border included this ongoing resistance to strict biracialism, but it was even more distinct because of the Indian-African resistance to the United States that was not in the service of slavery. To defend slavery and whiteness, the United States sent thousands of its military, millions of its treasure, and spent years to subdue the Indian-African alliance and to make Florida and its long shorelines a barrier to protect whiteness and patriarchy in the Deep South.