Fung, Hiu Man Cat. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 250-264). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts also in Chinese.

Wong, Yuet On. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references. / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1: --- Sign phonology models / Chapter 1.0 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Structuralism and Stokoe's pioneering work --- p.3 / Chapter 1.2 --- Insights from Generative phonology --- p.6 / Chapter 1.2.1 --- Is handshape a segment or autosegment --- p.7 / Chapter 1.2.2 --- "CV phonology, the Movement Hold Model and the Hand-Tier model" --- p.8 / Chapter 1.2.3 --- Dependency Phonology --- p.10 / Chapter 1.2.4 --- Interim Summary --- p.13 / Chapter 1.3 --- The handshape node --- p.13 / Chapter 1.3.1 --- Sandleŕةs (1989) handshape node --- p.13 / Chapter 1.3.2 --- Brentaríةs (1998) handshape node --- p.16 / Chapter 1.3.3 --- Eccariuśة（2002) handshape node --- p.19 / Chapter 1.3.3.1 --- The Joint feature [Crossed] of the PSF node --- p.21 / Chapter 1.3.3.2 --- Branching of Selected Fingers into Primary and Secondary Selected Fingers --- p.21 / Chapter 1.3.3.3 --- The Secondary selected fingers node --- p.24 / Chapter 1.3.3.4 --- The Thumb node in the Secondary selected fingers branch --- p.24 / Chapter 1.3.3.5 --- Quantity in SSF vs. Quantity in PSF --- p.25 / Chapter 1.3.3.6 --- The Point of reference node in the Secondary selected fingers branch --- p.25 / Chapter 1.4 --- The proposed Handshape Unit Model --- p.25 / Chapter 1.4.1 --- Handshape unit node --- p.28 / Chapter 1.4.2 --- HIM node --- p.30 / Chapter 1.4.3 --- The Type node --- p.31 / Chapter 1.4.4 --- The Number of movements node --- p.33 / Chapter 1.4.5 --- The handshape node --- p.33 / Chapter 1.4.6 --- The Nonselected fingers node --- p.33 / Chapter 1.4.7 --- The Selected fingers node --- p.35 / Chapter 1.4.8 --- The Primary selected fingers node --- p.36 / Chapter 1.4.9 --- The Thumb node --- p.37 / Chapter 1.4.10 --- The Fingers node --- p.39 / Chapter 1.4.11 --- The Quantity node --- p.40 / Chapter 1.4.12 --- The Point of reference node --- p.40 / Chapter 1.4.13 --- The Joint position node --- p.42 / Chapter 1.4.14 --- The Finger position node --- p.44 / Chapter 1.4.15 --- The Secondary selected fingers node --- p.45 / Chapter 1.4.15.1 --- Primary vs. Secondary selected fingers --- p.45 / Chapter 1.4.15.2 --- Comparing the SSF node with the PSF node --- p.46 / Chapter 1.4.15.3 --- The Quantity node of the Secondary selected fingers node --- p.46 / Chapter 1.4.15.4 --- The Point of reference node of the Secondary selected fingers node --- p.48 / Chapter 1.4.15.5 --- Joint position node of the Secondary selected fingers node --- p.48 / Chapter 1.4.15.6 --- Finger position node of the Secondary selected fingers node --- p.49 / Chapter 1.4.15.7 --- Conclusion --- p.49 / Chapter 1.5 --- Outline of the thesis --- p.51 / Chapter 1.6 --- Notation conventions --- p.51 / Chapter Chapter 2: --- Literature review and introduction to the current study / Chapter 2.0 --- Introduction --- p.53 / Chapter 2.1 --- Generalizations of phonology acquisition phenomena --- p.53 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- Early child speech as prephonemic --- p.53 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- Commonly acquired sound segments at the end of the babbling stage --- p.55 / Chapter 2.1.3 --- Characteristics of early words - Loss of phonological contrasts --- p.55 / Chapter 2.1.4 --- Systematic mappings --- p.56 / Chapter 2.1.5 --- Context-dependent rules / processes --- p.56 / Chapter 2.1.6 --- Strategies and metalinguistic awareness in the early period --- p.57 / Chapter 2.1.7 --- Stages of the phonological development --- p.57 / Chapter 2.2 --- Acquisition of phonology in sign language --- p.58 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Acquisition of location --- p.59 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Acquisition of movement --- p.61 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- Acquisition of handshape --- p.62 / Chapter 2.2.3.1 --- Acquisition of spoken and signed language phonology: Common observations --- p.62 / Chapter 2.2.3.2 --- Acquisition phenomena specific to handshape acquisition --- p.64 / Chapter 2.2.3.3 --- Substitution --- p.66 / Chapter 2.2.3.4 --- Applying a linguistic phonology model in handshape acquisition study --- p.67 / Chapter 2.2.3.5 --- Group data: a reanalysis --- p.73 / Chapter 2.3 --- Interim summary --- p.78 / Chapter 2.4 --- Implications on the current study --- p.78 / Chapter Chapter 3: --- Hypotheses and Methodology / Chapter 3.0 --- Introduction --- p.80 / Chapter 3.1 --- Markedness and acquisition hypotheses of the current study --- p.80 / Chapter 3.2 --- Background information for the current study --- p.89 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Subject of the present study --- p.89 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Data collection --- p.90 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Types of signs included in the present study --- p.91 / Chapter 3.2.3.1 --- Identification of handshape for analysis: signs with more than one handshape --- p.94 / Chapter 3.2.4 --- Coding of the data --- p.96 / Chapter 3.2.5 --- Criteria for acquisition --- p.98 / Chapter 3.3 --- Chapter summary --- p.100 / Chapter Chapter 4: --- Results / Chapter 4.0 --- Introduction --- p.102 / Chapter 4.1 --- Order of Acquisition of HKSL handshapes --- p.103 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- Analysis of CC's data --- p.103 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- Data from other handshape acquisition studies --- p.110 / Chapter 4.2 --- Not-attempted handshapes --- p.115 / Chapter 4.3 --- Errors of Substitution --- p.117 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- Data which confirm H2 --- p.122 / Chapter 4.3.1.1 --- Quantity substitution --- p.122 / Chapter 4.3.1.2 --- Point of reference substitution --- p.123 / Chapter 4.3.1.3 --- Joint position substitution --- p.123 / Chapter 4.3.1.4 --- Finger position substitution --- p.124 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- Data which do not confirm or reject H2 --- p.124 / Chapter 4.3.2.1 --- [Crossed] in the Finger position node --- p.125 / Chapter 4.3.2.2 --- Secondary selected fingers substitution --- p.125 / Chapter 4.3.2.3 --- Thumb feature substitution --- p.126 / Chapter 4.3.3 --- Data which reject H2 --- p.126 / Chapter 4.3.3.1 --- Thumb selection substitution --- p.126 / Chapter 4.3.4 --- Summary of data testing against H2 --- p.127 / Chapter 4.4 --- HIM and handshape acquisition --- p.128 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- Defining HIM --- p.129 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- H3: Accuracy of Finger selection and finger configuration is lower when HIM is specified --- p.130 / Chapter 4.4.2.1 --- HIM and finger selection --- p.131 / Chapter 4.4.2.2 --- Analysis of the relationship between HIM and finger configuration --- p.132 / Chapter 4.4.2.3 --- Generalizations --- p.133 / Chapter 4.4.3 --- Detailed analysis of signs involving HIMs --- p.135 / Chapter 4.4.3.1 --- Data which confirm H3 --- p.135 / Chapter 4.4.3.2 --- Data which partially confirm H3 --- p.137 / Chapter 4.4.3.3 --- Data which reject H3 --- p.138 / Chapter 4.4.3.4 --- Interim summary --- p.140 / Chapter 4.4.4 --- HIM complexity --- p.140 / Chapter 4.5 --- Conclusion --- p.142 / Chapter Chapter 5: --- Physiology and Handshape Acquisition / Chapter 5.0 --- Introduction --- p.144 / Chapter 5.1 --- Motoric account for handshape acquisition --- p.145 / Chapter 5.2 --- Physiology Account --- p.147 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- Criterion (a): Muscle Opposition in Configuration --- p.149 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- Criterion (b): Independent extensor / sufficient support --- p.151 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- Criterion(c): Profundus / juncturae tendinum --- p.152 / Chapter 5.2.4 --- Other factors affecting the ease and difficulty of a handshape --- p.152 / Chapter 5.3 --- Accounting for CĆةs acquisition data --- p.153 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- Acquired handshapes --- p.153 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- Attempted but not yet acquired handshapes --- p.156 / Chapter 5.3.2.1 --- Anńةs (1993) scoring system: An evaluation --- p.158 / Chapter 5.3.2.3 --- Substitutions and Anńةs (1993) scoring system --- p.159 / Chapter 5.3.3 --- Unattempted handshapes --- p.164 / Chapter 5.4 --- Conclusion --- p.167 / Chapter Chapter 6: --- Conclusion / Chapter 6.1 --- Summary of the study --- p.170 / Chapter 6.2 --- Physiology and handshape acquisition --- p.170 / Chapter 6.2.1 --- p.170 / Chapter 6.2.2 --- Review of Anńةs model --- p.171 / Chapter 6.3 --- Bases of markedness in the current thesis --- p.172 / Chapter 6.4 --- Handshape acquisition affected by factors other than markedness --- p.173 / Chapter 6.5 --- Unresolved issues and limitations --- p.173 / Chapter 6.5.1 --- The dependents of the Handshape Unit Model --- p.174 / Chapter 6.5.2 --- The Thumb --- p.175 / Chapter 6.5.3 --- Underspecification --- p.175 / Chapter 6.5.4 --- Feature markedness ranking --- p.176 / Chapter 6.5.5 --- Possible idiosyncrasy --- p.176 / Appendices / References

動作 (sig) 是手語重要的音系參數之一。 但對於怎樣以音系形式來描述其特性，特別是怎樣把動作分類及賦予其相關的特徵，至今仍未達成一致的觀點。 為了填補這塊空白，此研究透過香港手語 (HKSL) 的語料，特別探討這些動作是否具有對比性、是否受規律支配、以及是否具組織結構。 基於對《香港手語詞典》(Tang 2007) 紀錄的1982個手語詞彙中1473個的觀察，我們留意到不同的動作種類、重複類型和它們同時出現的規律，並提出相關的動作分類和特徵。 在把動作視為一個具有內部結構的整體的前提下 (Brentari 1998)，此研究採用特徵構架 (feature geometry) 的框架 (Clements 1985, Sagey 1986, McCarthy 1988, Halle 1992) 分析動作特徵在結構樹下的不同層次。 我們又提出形式特徵 [重複] ([repeat]) 和 [返回] ([return]) 用來描述手語裏不同類型的“重複動作，它們以非重複、單向重複、雙向重複、局部動作重複、動作返回和顫動的形態出現。 此兩特徵都是動作類別非限定的發語方式，因為它們沒有被限定要出現在特定的動作類別。 雖然如此，它們在複合動作的分佈卻受某些規律支配，這令我們提出以複式領域的概念來解釋：一個外部領域 (DomainM) 包含所有動作類別，另一內部領域 (DomainS) 只包含可作為次動作的動作類別。 最後，本論文將提出把各動作類別組織成一個五層的特徵架構：(一) 動態特徵類 (MOVEMENT FEATURE / MF) 對 內在特徵類 (INHERENT FEATURE / IF)，(二) 離散類 (DISCRETE) 對 連續類 (CONTINUOUS)，(三) 位移類 (TRANSLOCATED) 對 駐留類 (STATIONARY)，(四) 路徑類 (PATH) 對 局部類 (LOCAL)，以及 (五) 手向類 (ORIENTATION) 對 開合類 (APERTURE)。 一個包含複合動作的手語可以分析為好幾個同步的動作類別 (即手語音系的基本單位)。 五個主要音類特徵 [±M]、[±D]、[±T]、[±P] 和 [±O] 被用來交叉分類以上的動作類別，及決定它們的音響層級 (sonority hierarchy)。 我們分析手語為根節點 (root node) 是根據手語同時利用次音段的複雜性 (即類似複音段) 和動態特性 (即類似曲拱音段) 的觀察結果。 / Movement (sig) is one of the major phonological parameters in sign phonology. However, there has been a lack of consensus on how to characterize it, in particular, how to organize movement classes and their associated features in a phonological representation. To fill this gap, this thesis attempts to examine whether movements are contrastive, constrained and structurally organized, based on 1473 lexical signs out of the 1982 signs documented in the HKSL dictionary (Tang 2007). The observations on movement types, repetitions, and their co-occurrence patterns motivate our proposal of new movement classes and features. Following the assumption that movement is a phonological category with an internal structure (Brentari 1998), this study adopts the feature geometry framework (Clements 1985, Sagey 1986, McCarthy 1988, Halle 1992) to analyze the relevant movement features and propose how they are organized in a hierarchical fashion. We also invoke the formal features [repeat] and [return] to capture the different realizations of “repetitions in signs, which may take the forms of non-repeated movement, unidirectional repetitions, bidirectional repetitions, repeated local movements, returning movements and trills. We propose that [repeat] and [return] are type-independent manner features because they are not restrictive to a specific movement type. However, the constrained distribution of these features in complex movements suggests a nested domain of occurrence: an outer domain (i.e. DomainM), which includes all movement classes and an inner domain (i.e. DomainS), which includes only a subset of movement classes associated with secondary movement. Finally, this thesis proposes a feature geometry with movement classes organized in a five-level hierarchy: (i) MOVEMENT FEATURE (MF) versus INHERENT FEATURE (IF) class, (ii) DISCRETE versus CONTINUOUS class, (iii) TRANSLOCATED versus STATIONARY class, (iv) PATH versus LOCAL class, and (v) ORIENTATION versus APERTURE class. A sign with complex movements can be analyzed as movement classes (i.e. the basic phonological units of signs) organized simultaneously. Five major class features [±M], [±D], [±T], [±P] and [±O] are proposed to cross-classify these movement classes and determine their sonority hierarchy. The reason why we adopt a sign-as-root-node analysis is due to the observation that signs exhibit both subsegmental complexity (i.e. complex-segment-like) and dynamicity (i.e. contour-segment-like) at the same time. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Mak, Ka Leong. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 287-300) and indexes. / Abstracts also in Chinese. / Thesis Committee --- p.i / Abstract of thesis entitled --- p.ii / Acknowledgement --- p.iv / Contents --- p.vii / List of figures --- p.xi / List of tables --- p.xvii / Notational conventions --- p.xxii / Chapter Chapter 1. --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1. --- Background --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2. --- Movement as a phonological category --- p.2 / Chapter 1.3. --- Research questions --- p.8 / Chapter 1.3.1. --- Are movements contrastive? --- p.8 / Chapter 1.3.2. --- Are movements rule-governed? --- p.10 / Chapter 1.3.3. --- Are movements structurally organized? --- p.11 / Chapter 1.4. --- Organization of this thesis --- p.14 / Chapter Chapter 2. --- Literature review --- p.17 / Chapter 2.1. --- Generative phonology: a review --- p.17 / Chapter 2.1.1. --- The Sound Pattern of English (SPE) --- p.18 / Chapter 2.1.2. --- Autosegmental phonology --- p.19 / Chapter 2.1.3. --- Feature geometry --- p.20 / Chapter 2.1.3.1. --- Basic premises --- p.21 / Chapter 2.1.3.2. --- The Articulator model --- p.24 / Chapter 2.1.3.3. --- Double domination --- p.28 / Chapter 2.1.3.4. --- Skeleton and major classes --- p.29 / Chapter 2.1.4. --- Nature of distinctive features --- p.30 / Chapter 2.1.4.1. --- Feature dynamicity --- p.30 / Chapter 2.1.4.2. --- Feature binarity --- p.31 / Chapter 2.2. --- Movement in sign phonology: a review --- p.34 / Chapter 2.2.1. --- Movement and hold as segments (MH model) --- p.35 / Chapter 2.2.2. --- Movement and location as segments (HT model) --- p.36 / Chapter 2.2.3. --- Movement with mora as handshape-bearing unit (Moraic model) --- p.37 / Chapter 2.2.4. --- A “movement-less approach (DP model) --- p.40 / Chapter 2.2.5. --- Movement as prosodic feature class node (Prosodic model) --- p.43 / Chapter 2.2.6. --- Repeated movement as single-segment (OneSeg model) --- p.48 / Chapter 2.2.7. --- Sign phonology models: a summary --- p.49 / Chapter 2.3. --- Representing movement in our model --- p.51 / Chapter Chapter 3. --- Contrastive movement types and features in HKSL --- p.55 / Chapter 3.1. --- Methodology --- p.55 / Chapter 3.2. --- Observations on the movement types in HKSL --- p.57 / Chapter 3.2.1. --- Simple and complex movements --- p.57 / Chapter 3.2.2. --- Distribution of basic movement types in HKSL --- p.58 / Chapter 3.2.3. --- Contrastive movement types --- p.59 / Chapter 3.3. --- Path movement --- p.62 / Chapter 3.3.1. --- Degrees of freedom: traveling motions --- p.64 / Chapter 3.3.2. --- Planes of articulation --- p.65 / Chapter 3.3.3. --- Orientation --- p.66 / Chapter 3.3.3.1. --- Problem: handpart-to-plane representation of orientation --- p.67 / Chapter 3.3.3.2. --- Solution: orientation contrast by handpart --- p.68 / Chapter 3.3.4. --- Direction and tracing --- p.70 / Chapter 3.3.4.1. --- Problem: how to specify tracing direction --- p.72 / Chapter 3.3.4.2. --- Solution: the primacy of setting in path --- p.73 / Chapter 3.3.5. --- Contrastive path directions --- p.79 / Chapter 3.3.6. --- Contrastive path shapes --- p.80 / Chapter 3.3.6.1. --- Spherical surfaces in the signing space --- p.82 / Chapter 3.3.6.2. --- Arc paths --- p.82 / Chapter 3.3.6.3. --- Circular paths --- p.83 / Chapter 3.4. --- Local movement --- p.85 / Chapter 3.4.1. --- Orientation change --- p.86 / Chapter 3.4.1.1. --- Degrees of freedom: rotating motions --- p.87 / Chapter 3.4.1.2. --- Contrastive orientation features --- p.88 / Chapter 3.4.2. --- Aperture change --- p.90 / Chapter 3.4.2.1. --- Degree of freedom: deformation --- p.90 / Chapter 3.4.2.2. --- Contrastive aperture features --- p.91 / Chapter 3.4.3. --- Path movement versus local movement --- p.94 / Chapter 3.4.4. --- Phonetic reduction, enhancement and implementation --- p.97 / Chapter 3.5. --- Setting change --- p.100 / Chapter 3.5.1. --- Path versus setting change --- p.102 / Chapter 3.5.2. --- Change of setting values --- p.104 / Chapter 3.5.3. --- Discrete orientation and aperture changes --- p.108 / Chapter 3.6. --- Repetitions, returning movements and trills --- p.110 / Chapter 3.6.1. --- Observations in HKSL --- p.113 / Chapter 3.6.2. --- Full repetitions --- p.116 / Chapter 3.6.3. --- Return --- p.117 / Chapter 3.6.4. --- Trills --- p.119 / Chapter 3.7. --- Summary: proposed movement features --- p.128 / Chapter Chapter 4. --- Feature organization of movement in HKSL --- p.129 / Chapter 4.1. --- Class nodes and features --- p.129 / Chapter 4.1.1. --- Basic assumptions --- p.130 / Chapter 4.1.2. --- Root node, IF and MF class nodes --- p.131 / Chapter 4.2. --- Co-occurrence patterns of different movement types --- p.132 / Chapter 4.2.1. --- Signs with no movement --- p.133 / Chapter 4.2.2. --- Co-occurrence pattern and movement type class nodes --- p.136 / Chapter 4.2.3. --- PATH-LOCAL distinction and class nodes --- p.138 / Chapter 4.3. --- Internal structures of PATH, ORI and APER class nodes --- p.139 / Chapter 4.3.1. --- SET and PATH class nodes --- p.140 / Chapter 4.3.2. --- ORI and APER class nodes --- p.145 / Chapter 4.3.3. --- Summary of PATH, ORI and APER class nodes --- p.149 / Chapter 4.4. --- Type-independent manner features --- p.150 / Chapter 4.4.1. --- Pattern of repetitions --- p.151 / Chapter 4.4.1.1. --- Constraints on repetitions --- p.152 / Chapter 4.4.1.2. --- Structural account for the constraints --- p.156 / Chapter 4.4.1.3. --- Lexical versus post-lexical constraints --- p.162 / Chapter 4.4.2. --- Exceptional movement characteristics --- p.166 / Chapter 4.4.2.1. --- Discrete change --- p.166 / Chapter 4.4.2.2. --- Temporal misalignment --- p.168 / Chapter 4.4.2.3. --- Revised constraints on repetitions --- p.169 / Chapter 4.4.3. --- Notion of domination --- p.174 / Chapter 4.4.3.1. --- Phonological domain of a feature --- p.175 / Chapter 4.4.3.2. --- Nested phonological domain --- p.177 / Chapter 4.5. --- Multiple projections of MF class node --- p.180 / Chapter 4.5.1. --- DISCRETE and CONTINUOUS class nodes --- p.181 / Chapter 4.5.2. --- TRANSLOC and STATIONARY class nodes --- p.187 / Chapter 4.5.3. --- Movement major classes --- p.196 / Chapter 4.5.4. --- Major classes and maximal signs --- p.203 / Chapter 4.6. --- Summary: proposed constraints represented in feature tree --- p.206 / Chapter Chapter 5. --- Conclusion and future research --- p.211 / Chapter 5.1. --- Answers to the research questions --- p.211 / Chapter 5.1.1. --- Movements are categorical and contrastive --- p.211 / Chapter 5.1.2. --- Movements are rule-governed and structurally organized --- p.216 / Chapter 5.1.3. --- Significance of the current study --- p.222 / Chapter 5.1.4. --- Limitations of the current study --- p.225 / Chapter 5.2. --- Future research --- p.226 / Chapter 5.2.1. --- Cross-linguistic evidence --- p.227 / Chapter 5.2.2. --- Empirical evidence --- p.227 / Chapter 5.2.3. --- Theory advancement --- p.228 / Chapter Appendix A. --- Segmental and syllable structures in sign language --- p.230 / Chapter A.1. --- In the search for segment in sign language --- p.230 / Chapter A.2. --- In the search for syllable in sign language --- p.232 / Chapter A.2.1. --- Syllable structure of sign --- p.233 / Chapter A.2.2. --- Classification of sign syllables --- p.235 / Chapter A.3. --- In the search for articulatory explanation --- p.242 / Chapter Appendix B. --- Phonology-phonetics interface --- p.245 / Chapter B.1. --- Levels of representation --- p.245 / Chapter B.2. --- Phonetic phenomena in sign language --- p.246 / Chapter B.2.1. --- Metathesis of settings --- p.253 / Chapter B.2.2. --- Insertion of epenthetic movement --- p.255 / Chapter B.2.3. --- Phonetic enhancement and reduction --- p.259 / Chapter B.2.4. --- Repetition implementation --- p.268 / Chapter B.3. --- Structure, phonology and phonetics --- p.275 / Bibliography --- p.287 / Index of illustrated signs --- p.301 / Index of discussed issues --- p.305 / Index of numbered examples --- p.308

A case study of American Sign Language (ASL) acquisition revealed an emerging phonological system influenced by biological, cognitive, and linguistic factors. A hearing child (SJ), acquiring ASL from her Deaf parents, was videotaped over seven sessions between the ages of 1:0 and 2:1. Of the 1,699 manual behaviors observed, 804 were lexical items, or signs. All signs were phonetically coded. Detailed analyses were undertaken to discover acquisition patterns for the three major parameters of ASL signs (handshape, hand location and movement). / Overall, SJ's signs were well-formed and adhered to ASL phonological constraints. Location primes were produced accurately, due to SJ's knowledge of the structure of her body. Errors occurred with body parts that were not perceptually salient. Movement parameters were not mastered by SJ during the period of study; no systematic set of substitutions was observed. Handshapes were produced with low accuracy. SJ relied on a small set of maximally contrastive handshapes (i.e., (5,1,A)). These handshapes represent the convergence of ease of production, distribution in the target language phonology, and perceptual salience. SJ used three processes to fit target handshapes to her emerging phonological system: spreading of selected fingers, changing of selected fingers from a marked to an unmarked set, and changing to an open position. These processes reflect anatomical and perceptual preferences as well as linguistic influences. / SJ's sign production showed a small improvement in accuracy and a marked reduction in variability between the ages of 1:0 AND 2:1. Visual feedback did not affect the sign accuracy. A passive hand was more likely to be added to one-handed signs produced outside the visual field, possibly increasing tactile feedback. Path movement and horizontal-place primes were more accurate when tactile feedback was present. There was no evidence that SJ used lexical selection or imitation as strategies for phonological acquisition. / Finally, many of the same factors that influence phonological acquisition in speech guided SJ's acquisition of handshape primes. Her acquisition of location primes, by contrast, did not resemble processes observed in phonological acquisition in speech.

Thesis (MA--Applied Language Studies) -- AUT University, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references. Also held in print (viii, 120 leaves ; 30 cm.) in the Archive at the City Campus (T 419.93 PIV)

No description available.

This study explored the sign language learning experiences and contexts of a hearing family who decided to learn and use American Sign Language (ASL) with their young deaf child. Multiple informants, including family members and professional participants, and multiple methods of data collection and analysis provided accounts of experiences that were examined within the frameworks of family ecology (Bronfenbrenner, 1986) and Vygotskian theory (Vygotsky; 1962, 1978) about language learning in the zone of proximal development. Previous research regarding sign language learning has looked at language learning within the deaf child, but has not investigated the language learning context of family members who are hearing. This study identified a densely connected network of formal and informal service providers that both facilitated and constrained the sign language learning of the child and her family. Even these motivated parents encountered a system of service delivery that essentially ignored the profoundly social process of language learning for both the deaf child who was learning a first language and the family members who were trying to learn a second one. Most of the child’s communication-related care in the first year was focused on her hearing loss. Despite the mobilization of effort in response to the child’s profound hearing loss, very little of the advice given by most professionals concerned the child’s language learning, and even less advice concerned how the family should and could learn sign language. The persons most influential in helping the family decide how to communicate with the child included the hearing daughter of deaf parents whom the family met through their church, a speech-language pathologist who provided early intervention services in the home, and a preschool teacher for hearing impaired children. While the child’s parents, an aunt, and her grandparents have taken a sign language class, other family members rely on the child’s mother to provide them with the language needed for communication with the child during their infrequent visits. Strategies for improving family sign language learning, including applications from second language learning research and immersion programs, are discussed. / Ph. D.

The purpose of this study was to determine the effect of nonverbal communication training on the acquisition of expressive and receptive sign language skills. Thirteen skills were included. Twenty-eight participants enrolled in the Beginning Interpreter Training Program (BITP) held at the University of Arizona were selected as subjects. The subjects were randomly assigned to two groups, a control group and an experimental group. The experimental group received ten hours of nonverbal communication training in the categories of kinesics, eye movement, facial expression, proxemics, chronemics, haptics, and artifacts, concurrently with their participation in the BITP. A rating instrument was devised and administered that measured the subject's performance on thirteen expressive and receptive sign language skills. A comparison of pretest and posttest performances was made utilizing the analysis of covariance. The results of the statistical analysis indicated that the experimental group improved significantly on the skills of receptive clarity and receptive fluency. No statistically significant differences were found between the experimental group and the control group on the other eleven skills although the experimental group mean score values were consistently higher than the control group mean score values. The importance of the results for the two groups of subjects involved in this study and the field of interpreting is that nonverbal communication training appears to enhance the receptive clarity and fluency abilities of sign language interpreters. This study should serve as an impetus and a reference point for others wishing to investigate the inclusion of nonverbal communication training in sign language interpreter training programs.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2003. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 743-797).

Thesis (M.S.)--Missouri State University, 2009. / "May 2009." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 29-30). Also available online.