Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Nebraska-Lincoln, 2009. / Title from title screen (site viewed October 13, 2009). PDF text: vi, 137 p. : ill. (some col.) ; 1 Mb. UMI publication number: AAT 3355622. Includes bibliographical references. Also available in microfilm and microfiche formats.

The purpose of this study was to understand the experiences of single fathers attending a community college. Single fathers comprise one-fifth of all single parent families, yet little research has been done on this growing segment of the population. A phenomenological approach was utilized to examine the attributes, needs, and challenges facing single fathers who were community college students. Seven single fathers attending a community college in the Northwest participated in this study. The fathers had primary responsibility for raising their children, had been enrolled at least half-time, and were attending the college for a minimum of one year. Data were collected through individual in-depth interviews and a focus group. Seven main themes emerged from the data: 1) Ambivalence, 2) Stability, 3) Finding support, 4) Mattering, 5) Success Factors, 6) Barriers, and 7) How the college can assist single father students. Three factors were identified as a result of the study. (1) Attending community college improved family relationships. The flexibility of class scheduling allowed the fathers to spend more time with their children. (2) The experience of single fathers and single mothers attending community college are remarkably similar, with the exception of how each accessed support networks. Single fathers were much less likely to initially identify and utilize support networks. (3) How single fathers viewed their identity and their definition of masculinity changed. Prior to attending community college, their primary identity was related to their work. As students, their identity shifted to being recognized as good students and good fathers. / Graduation date: 2005

Thesis (M. Soc. Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 2004.

Thesis (M. Soc. Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 2004. / Also available in print.

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Eighty-seven single custodial fathers were surveyed to test the validity of previously developed typologies and/or construct a more empirically valid framework with implications for adjustment to the role. Mendes1 (1975) aggressive seekers, conciliatory seekers, conciliatory assenters, and aggressive assenters were compared to O'Brien's (1980) hostile seekers, conciliatory negotiators, and passive acceptors. In addition to demographic variables, relationship to ex-wife and child, and reasons for becoming single and obtaining custody, several personality variables were included along with measures of adjustment. One year follow-up measures of adjustment were collected to evaluate implications of typologies in adjustment. Two nearly equal groups were established in a Q type factor analysis of continuous data. Factor loadings of individual cases suggest a continuum of the two types of single fathers, rather than two distinct groups. Group differences were evaluated in a series of MANOVA and Chisquare analyses. Analysis included six factor scores from a supplemental R factor analysis of selected variables. Type I fathers are characterized as older, more passive, selfreflective, and aloof in interpersonal relationships. They are somewhat less oriented toward a relationship with their children and had felt satisfied with their wives* care of them. Alternatively, Type II fathers are younger, active, assured (not self-reflective), and person-oriented. They are more oriented toward relationship with their children and had felt dissatisfied with how their wives had cared for their children. Several overlapping characteristics of the Type I/II typology with Mendes1 seeker/assenter continuum are discussed. Limitations of the longitudinal adjustment data restrict the conclusions that can be drawn about differential adjustment of Types I and II. Comparisons with adjustment of other typologies suggest that extremes on the typology continuum are most at risk for problems in adjustment to the single custodial role. Implications for helping professions and future research are discussed.

Single-parent households are on the increase in our society and especially single-father households where fathers are fulfilling the role of both parents in rearing their children. In this qualitative study, three single fathers who are primary caregivers were interviewed regarding their experience of primary caregiving, adjusting and coping with the transition to primary caregiving and their needs and concerns for their children's future. This study utilised a phenomenological approach to look at single fathers as the best and most informed individuals to explore and describe their lived experiences of being primary caregivers. The rationale for using interpretive phenomenological analysis (IPA) is that it is concerned with individuals' subjective reports and assumes that participants seek to interpret their experiences into some form that is understandable to them. The researcher utilised three semi-structured, in depth, face-to-face interviews as a method of data collection. Each interview focused on eliciting different sets of data, firstly the researcher look at identifying the participants' experience of primary care giving, then moved onto their adjusting and coping with the transition and finally focused on the primary needs and concerns of participants with regards to primary care giving. The sub-themes that emerged from the study include the loss of a partner, shifts in the role the fathers play as parent, dealing with children's reaction to the "loss" of a mother in the home, good parenting: biology vs upbringing, social construction of men and woman, the value of self-care for single fathers, where self-care incorporates both physical and mental care, internal support from family or friends, external support from the community, relationship between fathers and children and sibling relationships. These led to the various super-ordinate themes. The super-ordinate themes and categories that resulted from the analysis of the material include: (1) The transition to being a single-parent and primary caregiver was difficult, (2) Parenting is not biological it is cultural and fathers can fulfil the role, (3) Self-care is important, (4) Support comes from family and friends but social support is rare, (5) Close family relationships are formed

Most of the research on the relationship between family structure and childhood obesity and distress is limited in its conceptualization of family structure, either ignoring single-father families or bunching them in the same category as single-mother families. Although single-mother families are the most common type of one-parent families, the number of single-father families has increased dramatically over the past three decades and thus warrant study. In this study, I use data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study-Kindergarten Class (ECLS-K) to answer three related questions: (1) Do children living in single-father families have different rates of obesity and externalizing and internalizing behaviors compared to children living in single-mother and two-parent families? (2) Are these differences, if they exist, explained by the type of environments parents create for their children through: (a) differences in time and financial resources between single-father, single-mother, and two-parent families? and/or (b) differences in levels of distress between single-father, single-mother, and two-parent families? (3) Do the health risks associated with living in a single-father family, compared to living in a single-mother or two-parent family, differ as children age? I add to the current literature by integrating the concepts of family structure, family resources, role stress, gender expectations, and parent-child relational dynamics. I focus on these dynamics within single-father families, and compare them to single-mother and two-parent families. Finally, I use semi-structured, in-depth interviews of single-fathers to supplement the survey results. Results from this study demonstrate that, children living in single-parent families, compared to two-parent, married families have higher rates of obesity and a greater number of externalizing and internalizing behavior. In general, single parents have fewer family resources (i.e., time and money) and greater levels of stress and distress. Single fathers provide similar family environments for their children, overall, compared to two-parent families, but single mothers in general, provide "poorer" family environments, compared to two-parent families. Children living with a single father, compared to those living with a single mother, have similar rates of obesity and experience similar numbers of externalizing and internalizing behavior. Single fathers earn more than single mothers, but they are less likely to be in the home part- or full-time, and in general, single fathers and single mothers experience similar levels of stress and distress. Finally, single fathers and single mothers provide similar family environments for their children, except in regards to the number of physical activities they let their children participate in. Path analysis results demonstrate that parents' resources, stress and distress, and family environment do not appear to have a mediating effect on the relationship between family structure and children's obesity, once controlling for other family characteristics (i.e., parents' education and health, race, number of siblings, and region). Parents' resources, stress and distress, and family environment, however, all have a direct effect on children's rates of obesity and externalizing/internalizing behavior. The path analyses show that parents' resources, distress, and parent/child closeness directly impact children's externalizing and internalizing behavior and act as significant mediators between family structure and children's emotional wellbeing, controlling for other family characteristics. However, these variables do not fully mediate the relationship between family structure and children's externalizing/internalizing behavior, and therefore, family structure still has a significant direct effect on children's emotional health. Furthermore, gender of the residential parent matters. For example, the magnitude of the direct effect of living with a single father is larger than the magnitude of the direct effect of living with a single mother for children's internalizing behavior at kindergarten and internalizing and externalizing behavior at third grade. Further analysis demonstrates that children's physical and emotional wellbeing changes as they get older. Children's obesity rate increases from kindergarten to third grade for all family types. However, for children in single-father families, obesity rates then dramatically decrease from third to eighth grade. Children living with a single mother and married parents have stable obesity rates from third to eighth grade. Changes in children's emotional wellbeing from kindergarten to eighth grade vary by family type. For example, children living with a single father, experience an increase in externalizing behavior from kindergarten to third grade, but then a decrease from third to eighth grade. Conversely, children living with a single mother or married parents experience an decrease in their externalizing behavior from kindergarten to third grade, but then an increase from third to eighth grade. The mediating effects of parents' resources, stress and distress, and family environment are fairly similar across waves. Several themes emerged from the qualitative interviews of fathers' experiences as single parents. Five major themes are found: (1) Interactions and relationships with their children, (2) Process of gaining custody, (3) Obstacles faced as a single parent, (4) Nutrition and meals, and (5) Defining success as a parent. Overall, the single fathers interviewed for this study take their "father role" very seriously and are highly engaged with their children. They recognize that there are certain areas where they struggle, but overall they feel that they are very successful as single parents. Several policy implications emerge from my study. First, the qualitative results can be useful to further educate family lawyers and judges handling custody cases. While the essence of the law regarding custody is what is "in the best interest of the child", bias still exists. The interviews included in this study demonstrate that single fathers worry about, and in some instances, experience discrimination in regards to custody decisions. Second, this study highlights the need for a greater focus on single-father families. Both the survey data and the interviews find that, while fathers tend to have greater family resources, compared to single mothers, they do not necessarily provide healthier family environments for their children. The role of organizations, and the health field in general, to educate "at risk" parents with information and provide/support programs to protect their children from increased risk for obesity and emotional distress is just one implication from this study.

The economic and health disadvantage of Canadian single parents relative to the general population is well documented. Most studies, however, have not considered the effects of gender or urban/rural residence on the mental well-being of single parents. These gaps are important to address given that: 1) single father families are growing at a faster rate than single mother families; and 2) 13% of families residing in rural Canada are headed by single parents. Three research questions guided the study: 1) Does the mental health of single parents vary by gender and/or urban- rural residence? 2) Do single parents’ demographic, socioeconomic, and psychosocial characteristics vary by gender and/or urban- rural residence? and 3) Do the demographic, socioeconomic, and social correlates of single parents’ mental health vary by gender and/or urban- rural residence? Data from Statistics Canada’s 2007-2008 Canadian Community Health Survey (Master file) was used, with analyses focused on a subsample of 18-64 year old single parents. The primary dependent variable was self-rated mental health (fair/poor vs. good/very good/excellent). The other dependent variables were the prevalence of anxiety disorders, mood disorders and binge drinking. The primary independent variables were gender and urban/rural residence; the Metropolitan Influenced Zone (MIZ) classification was used to measure residence. Additional independent variables were included to reflect single parents’ demographic characteristics (age, marital status, Aboriginal identity, number and ages of children), socioeconomic position (e.g. household income, education, income assistance home ownership, food security), and psychosocial characteristics (e.g. sense of community belonging). Bivariate and multiple logistic regression analyses were the main statistical techniques applied. Sampling weights and bootstrapping were used to calculate accurate estimates and associated confidence intervals. iii Results indicated that the proportion of single parents who rated their mental health as “fair or poor” did not differ significantly by gender or urban-rural residence. Single mothers were more likely to report mood and anxiety disorders in comparison with single fathers, though the prevalence did not vary by residence. However, single mothers and single fathers living in Strong/Medium MIZ regions of the nation were more likely to report higher proportions of binge drinking compared to their more urban counterparts. Compared to single fathers, a greater proportion of single mothers resided in urban Canada, were less than 45 years of age, never married, self-identified as Aboriginal, had two or more children, and had a child under or equal to five years of age in the household. On most indicators of socioeconomic position, single mothers were significantly more disadvantaged than single fathers but did not differ significantly on psychosocial measures. Demographically, a greater proportion of rural than urban single mothers were of Aboriginal origin had two or more children, and at least once child under the age of 6 years in the household. Regarding socioeconomic characteristics a higher percentage of rural than urban single mothers indicated receiving social assistance, working part-time and having an annual household income of less than $20,000. No significant differences emerged by residence with respect to employment status, food security, home ownership or perceptions of life stress; however, single mothers living in more rural locals were more likely to rate their sense of community belonging as “somewhat or very strong” When data on single fathers was analyzed (Table 4.6), relatively few differences emerge. However, a greater proportion of urban than rural single fathers had a university education and owned their own home. Single fathers in rural regions were more likely than their urban counterparts to report most days as “quite a bit or extremely” stressful. No other statistically significant differences by residence emerged. iv The results of the multiple logistic regression analyses found the following variables to be associated with increased odds of fair/poor self-rated mental health: older age, low household income, being unemployed, being food insecure, experiencing higher levels of life stress and a weaker sense of community belonging. The relationship between demographic, socioeconomic and psychosocial characteristics and self-rated mental health was not modified by gender or urban-rural residence. Thus, the findings of this study will help policy makers identify the factors that adversely affect the mental health of single parents in Canada.

This paper uses the National Education Longitudinal Study of 1988 (NELS:88) to compare academic achievement of children in two-parent, single mother and single father families. Academic achievement is measured by a math and reading composite score from a standardized achievement test. Ordinary least squares (OLS) regression models are used to test three competing theories of children's academic achievement: economic theory, individualistic perspective of gender and evolutionary parental investment theory. Findings do not support the evolutionary parental investment theory. The economic theory, which states that single fathers are more capable of offering economic resources to their children compared to single mothers, is supported. This economic advantage of children in single father families allows children in this family type to achieve at the same level as (keep up with) children in single mother families. The individual perspective of gender, which states that children in single mother families fare better because women fulfill the caregiver and homemaker roles, is supported by this study. It is also possible that other factors play a role in differing levels of academic achievement between children in different family types. / Department of Sociology