This dissertation explores poor retail food access in low-income, class-segregated communities through a social justice lens. Disadvantaged communities with poor food access—often called ‘food deserts’—have received ample scholarly attention, however the problem has yet to be analyzed from a normative, critical perspective. For this research, I use the case study of two communities in Kingston, Ontario’s North End, whose retail food geography changed significantly between 2006 and 2009. Critical political economy is my primary theoretical framework. I conducted forty-two qualitative interviews with key informants, four focus groups (three with low-income North Kingston residents and one with elderly Kingston residents), two door-to-door surveys in Rideau Heights, archival research, and I attended public meetings around a grocery store closure in the North End. I advance several research findings based on my results. Most broadly, I argue that the food desert problem represents capital’s ability to shape the ‘everyday geographies’ of simple, mundane activities like food shopping through the manipulation of the urban built environment. As such, capital is able to distribute the costs and burdens of food procurement in ways that reproduce class relations and class contempt to suite the dynamics of capitalist accumulation. I propose three interpretations of poor retail food access as a social injustice: (1) poor access represents the unequal and disproportionate allocation of burdens and costs of food acquisition on those with the fewest resources to mitigate these costs; (2) class disparity is inherently supported by urban governance systems that protect the interests of capital, therefore scaled-up retail capital is not accountable to residents of communities or their non-economic needs or wishes; and (3) the consolidated retail food geography of North American cities deprives low-income people of freedom, choice and dignity that is often embodied in the act of enjoying a ‘normal’ middle-class shopping experience. In the transition to a post-capitalist retail food geography, therefore, activists should abandon a romantic notion that low-income people should drive the change by somehow adopting a more agrarian lifestyle or lead the food system re-localization agenda – change driven by desperation rather than personal values. / Thesis (Ph.D, Geography) -- Queen's University, 2010-09-23 16:02:39.366

While engineers and their patrons have always claimed that technology has advanced the common good, I intend to show that more often than not engineers have been mercenaries for those at the center of knowledge, power, and wealth. Engineers design technology that marginalizes certain types of knowledge, people, and culture in favor of those at the center. Far from being a common good, engineered systems have advanced social and environmental inequity by being designed using exploitative social, political, and economic methods. In response to the negative impacts of engineered systems, the mainstream engineering profession has committed in recent years to being much more socially and environmentally responsible. However, the discourse of responsibility adopted by the profession is narrow in scope as it does not recognize the context and process in which technology is designed. Seeking a different way, some engineering reformers are attempting to create different cultures in engineering, in which the technology designed by engineers not only minimizes damage but seeks to create more equity in our communities. These new cultures have been articulated as Humanitarian Engineering or Peace Engineering or Social Justice and Engineering. A key component of these cultures is the concern for the needs of the marginalized whether in communities far away or close to us. While much has already been written about changing the education curriculum, little has been written about how engineers may design technology that values and advances knowledge, people, and culture at the margins. This thesis will theorize as to how engineers may design technology in a socially just manner by articulating an engineering design theory based on power and resistance. This design theory is then validated through discourse analysis of a contentious engineering project, the Site 41 landfill in northern Ontario. I show through the analysis of engineering design discourse at Site 41 that dominant power relations created structures of oppression that marginalized non-experts, Aboriginal communities, and the environment. Alternative design methods that resist these oppressive structures such as participatory, ecofeminist, deep ecological, and decolonized design are proposed as a way for engineers to have worked more justly at Site 41. / Thesis (Master, Civil Engineering) -- Queen's University, 2011-09-21 12:37:46.28

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Guided primarily by critical constructivism as the theoretical framework, this dissertation examines the extent to which civic education in Kenya creates dialogic spaces where issues of social difference, peace and democracy are addressed. The participants of the study included four history and government teachers; four Form 1 classes; principals of the two high schools and one curriculum developer. History and government was selected because one of the course’s objectives is to develop responsible and active citizens who would participate in fostering peace and democracy. In this study, peace is conceptualized as the absence of both direct and structural violence, and democracy is conceived, not merely as majority rule, but as exercising one’s opinions where citizens’ contributions influence decisions and have control over public policies that govern their lives. Using observations, interviews and document analysis, the study focuses on pedagogical practices, educators’ and students’ views about civic education in two public schools in Nairobi. The two sites were selected because the students came from diverse social and ethnic backgrounds and the schools offered co-education. Therefore, the schools’ student demographics provided the kind of social differences that are the focus of this study. In the analysis, attention was paid to the official curriculum and the way teachers enacted the curriculum to foster peace and social justice. Findings indicate that although the official curriculum stated the course should foster peace and social justice, the enacted curriculum gravitated towards transmission of facts. Consequently, the enacted curriculum did little to empower students to think critically; it hardly created opportunities to encourage discussion of societal issues that would promote peace and democracy. Several factors such as prescribed official curriculum, standardized examinations, lack of resources, students’ inadequate English skills, and inadequate teacher training influenced and shaped teachers’ pedagogical practices. Despite this, teachers struggled to exercise their agency by navigating through some of these challenges to achieve what they believed were the objectives of the course. These findings pointed to the need of establishing ways of addressing these challenges in order to make civic education more relevant and meaningful to students and to the Kenyan society.

Guided primarily by critical constructivism as the theoretical framework, this dissertation examines the extent to which civic education in Kenya creates dialogic spaces where issues of social difference, peace and democracy are addressed. The participants of the study included four history and government teachers; four Form 1 classes; principals of the two high schools and one curriculum developer. History and government was selected because one of the course’s objectives is to develop responsible and active citizens who would participate in fostering peace and democracy. In this study, peace is conceptualized as the absence of both direct and structural violence, and democracy is conceived, not merely as majority rule, but as exercising one’s opinions where citizens’ contributions influence decisions and have control over public policies that govern their lives. Using observations, interviews and document analysis, the study focuses on pedagogical practices, educators’ and students’ views about civic education in two public schools in Nairobi. The two sites were selected because the students came from diverse social and ethnic backgrounds and the schools offered co-education. Therefore, the schools’ student demographics provided the kind of social differences that are the focus of this study. In the analysis, attention was paid to the official curriculum and the way teachers enacted the curriculum to foster peace and social justice. Findings indicate that although the official curriculum stated the course should foster peace and social justice, the enacted curriculum gravitated towards transmission of facts. Consequently, the enacted curriculum did little to empower students to think critically; it hardly created opportunities to encourage discussion of societal issues that would promote peace and democracy. Several factors such as prescribed official curriculum, standardized examinations, lack of resources, students’ inadequate English skills, and inadequate teacher training influenced and shaped teachers’ pedagogical practices. Despite this, teachers struggled to exercise their agency by navigating through some of these challenges to achieve what they believed were the objectives of the course. These findings pointed to the need of establishing ways of addressing these challenges in order to make civic education more relevant and meaningful to students and to the Kenyan society.

This study was located within the critical research paradigm. It examined the ways a secondary teacher of English Home Language conceptualised and interpreted social justice imperatives in the English Home Language Curriculum Statement for Grades 10 to 12. It further examined how these conceptualisations and her understandings impacted on her pedagogical practice. The aim of the study was to initiate a discussion and engagement with critical pedagogy and critical theory in education and to recognise the powerful role of the teacher in the classroom. The study used a qualitative case study method. Data generation included document analysis, interviews and lesson observation. The methodology used for the analysis of data was Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) in view of its critical perspective and its focus on power and discourse, and the identification of oppressive discourse/s in social interactions. The participant in the study was a white, female teacher with ten years teaching experience at a fairly well-resourced school in the KwaZulu-Natal area. The study found that this teacher‘s conceptualisation of social justice, and the implications of this on her classroom pedagogy, was influenced by her own social realities. Overall, her conceptualisation of the social justice imperatives in the curriculum was rather narrow and limited to understandings that could be linked to traditional multicultural education. Four discourses of social justice embedded in the teacher‘s assumptions and pedagogical practices, emerged from the analysis: the discourse of academic excellence; the discourse of inclusivity and diversity; the discourse of affirmation and validation; and the discourse of critical thinking. The study highlighted the need for further research to support teachers in adopting a social justice approach to teaching. In order to address the social justice imperatives identified in the curriculum, South African teachers need to become critical agents of change. This could only be done by identifying their understandings about what it means to teach critically and to examine their assumptions about teaching for social justice. / Thesis (M.Ed.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.

The problem of social choice is the central theme of this study. Our main objective is to prove the existence of a social welfare function in order to put to rest the doctrine of 'natural liberty.' We reject most of the recently suggested solutions to the problem on the basis that they are either incomplete or inconsistent. Our proposed social welfare function is along the utilitarian line. Ratio-scale interpersonal comparisons of cardinal utilities are used to prove its existence. If we are allowed to define utilitarianism more broadly, then our social welfare function will also be unique. Finally, the study argues strongly for more positive action on the part of the government to rectify social injustice.

This thesis explores the role of the concept of equality in John Rawls' theory of justice. Rawls argues that the Kantian idea of the moral equality of persons translates into a primary principle of equal basic liberties, followed by a principle of fair equality of opportunity that addresses the moral arbitrariness of social and natural contingencies. Furthermore, the "difference principle" specifies that social and economic inequalities are only justified if they benefit the worst-off group. Libertarian critics such as Robert Nozick argue that Rawls' "difference principle" is inconsistent with a Kantian respect for the moral equality of persons as ends in themselves. Communitarians such as Michael Sandel and Charles Taylor argue that Rawls' egalitarian commitments are not supportable via a Kantian conception of the moral subject of justice as an autonomous pre-social self. This thesis defends Rawls' theory of justice against these challenges.

This thesis examines three research hypotheses derived from the Theory of Distributive Justice as developed by George Caspar Homans and as refined by Peter Blau, in an attempt to test the applicability of this paradigm to the distribution of rewards in small groups setting.Reviewing the literature, both theoretical and empirical, with respect to this theory of reward allocation, it was hypothesized that individuals would attempt to allocate rewards so as to establish a ratio of reward that was commensurate to the costs of the stimulus person. The datagenerally support this notion, presenting only one complicating factor. Explanations for the findings are offered, as well as suggestions for further research into these processes.

The present mixed-methods study examined adolescents’ moral identity development and its relation to their awareness of problems of social justice. Fifty-eight inner-city adolescents in Grades 9 and 12 ranked personal values according to their self-relevance or importance and a sub-sample also provided responses to interview questions that were coded qualitatively for maturity of moral identity. A written questionnaire assessed the adolescents’ awareness of issues of racism, sexism, and classism. It was found that adolescents held moral values at significantly higher levels of importance than non-moral values, with no differences between grades. However, trends suggested that females placed somewhat greater emphasis on moral values in terms of centrality or importance to the self and also expressed slightly more mature explanatory responses than males. Adolescents’ moral identity and social justice awareness were not correlated. These findings highlight the need to foster the development of morally motivated, socially aware individuals.