La bibliothèque mondiale est le système spatialisé complexe de tous les textes disponibles dans le monde. Aujourd’hui saisie par la révolution numérique et le multimédia, elle est pourtant construite à partir d’une figure ordinaire : la bibliothèque de livres. Dans un usage redéfini pour la géographie, la littératie désigne les pratiques et les politiques publiques de lecture écriture. La bibliothèque mondiale et la littératie sont deux objets ordinaires de la géographie et nous proposons de les prendre au sérieux en y travaillant la question des échelles et des mobilités : le niveau national est-il toujours le niveau d’organisation dominant des littératies dans le monde ? Quels y sont les devenirs voisins aux échelles infra et supra-nationales ?Pour dépasser une approche trop abstraite, nous avons fortement sollicité la parole des acteurs à travers l’entretien,dans une démarche de recherche-action et de neutralisation de la croyance littéraire. À la manière des New literacy studies, nous avons multiplié les petits terrains dans un inventaire géographique des formes et des niveaux scalaires (bibliothèques embarquées, Aran, provincialismes, prix Nobel). Nous avons également enquêté dans deux États-nations, leMali et la Corée du Sud, choisis pour leur écart au modèle français. Le jeu scalaire observé montre que la mondialisation de la littératie se développe de manière très différenciée selon les espaces, en fonction notamment du projet national. La torsion de ce niveau autrefois central libère/contraint les acteurs : les dynamiques multi-niveaux permettent alors d’interpréter les fonctionnements complexes. L’aménagement culturel est une question politique multiscalaire / The world library is a complex, specialized system comprising all the texts available all over the world. Though ingrained in the digital revolution and multimedia tools, its construction is nonetheless based on a fairly ordinary pattern : the library with books. In a sense redefined for the sake of geography, literacy designates practices and public policies regarding readingand writing. World library and literacy are also two common preoccupations of geography, which we offer to take seriously by working into them the issues of scale and mobility. That is, is the national level always the level of organization dominating literacies in the world ? What are, within these, the likely future outcomes close to the infra and supranational scales ?To go beyond an overly abstract approach, we have strongly sought out the testimonies of agents of literacy through interviews, in a quest combining research and action, as well as by debunking the literary belief. Along the lines of the New Literacy Studies, we have multiplied the small fields in a geographical inventory of forms and levels (dumped libraries, Aran, provincialisms, Nobel Prize). We have also investigated the issue in two nation-states – Mali and South Korea – chosen each for its relative distance from the French model. The game of scales under observation reveals that the globalization of literacy grows in a highly differentiated manner depending on the environments, particularly with regard to the national project. The twisting of this once central level liberates/constrains the agents, so that multilevel dynamics allow us thento interpret such complex workings. Cultural planning is a multi-scale political issue

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“soft power is the ability to get what a country wants through attraction rather than coercion or payment.” - Joseph S. Nye Jr. From Nye’s original soft power idea, the term now has been increasingly attached to China’s conduct of its diplomacy in various parts of the globe from Southeast Asia to Africa and South America. This research examines China’s soft power in Southeast Asia and its effectiveness relative to the pursuit and advancement of the country’s regional objectives and aspirations. The primary consideration here would be the US approach towards the region and how, if any, this has affected Southeast Asian governments’ reception and perception of China’s drive for increased influence and potential domination of regional affairs. Striking a comparison between Beijing’s standing in Southeast Asia before and after its soft power application would likely provide a logical explanation on the effectiveness of its intensified diplomacy in attracting regional countries. Also of particular importance to this research would be the US policy towards the region and the underlying rationale behind its stance, as well as Southeast Asia’s attitude regarding Washington’s regional approach. Undoubtedly, America’s image in the region has been tainted by the previous governments’ missteps and unpopular actions, but there is no denying that Southeast Asian governments still rely on the US military apparatus for regional stability and security. This has been made more complex by China’s growing penetration in Southeast Asia, but might as well provide enough reason for the US to engage Southeast Asia a lot more. Knowing the political, economic and historical correlation of individual regional countries vis-à-vis the US and China might shed some light as to their mindset relative to the competition of these two external powers for increased influence in Southeast Asia. Being the US’ most reliable ally in Southeast Asia, the Philippines offers the most compelling case for this study. How the Philippines react, and what other factors influence its behavior, as far its relations with both the US and China provides some relevant information in the overall calculation of Beijing’s attractiveness among regional countries. Particularly relevant to this estimation is determining China’s rationale behind its goal of attaining unparalleled relations with the Philippines as well as Manila’s motivation in reciprocating Beijing’s offer of friendship. Equally important is the evolution of the Philippine-US relations and what drives these two countries to reinvigorate their security partnership, previously the cornerstone of American military supremacy in Southeast Asia, amid China’s charm offensive. In the end, this study finds that it appears that the Philippines’ strategy vis-à-vis its relations with both the US and China has been to secure the best possible concessions from both countries while playing a delicate balancing game to accommodate their intensified competition for influence in the country. Although there have been remarkable improvement in relations between the Philippines and China, privately Manila is still uneasy with the potential security repercussions that Beijing’s rise might engender in the long run, especially with regards to their conflicting claims over the SCS. As it seems, the Philippines’ increased confidence in dealing with China can be rooted on its ability to keep the American military deeply engaged in the country. As has been notable in the Philippine experience, Southeast Asia appeared determined to sustain the power equilibrium with regards to external powers, and all indications point to China as the concentration of this strategy. The ASEAN recognized that Beijing’s soft power has already put it in a position to compete with Washington for increased influence in the region. Southeast Asia wants to accommodate this, but judged that it would be safer to include other powers in the equation to ensure that the ASEAN still has control in managing these powers’ engagement. Having said this, while there is no doubt that China’s soft power has served its regional purpose well, Southeast Asia’s desire to sustain the regional balance of power, apparently with the US still at the top, would continue to put some limits to Beijing’s charm offensive in the region.

This paper examines the cross-Strait relationship from the theoretical perspective of Joseph S. Nye Jr.’s soft power. It begins with a discussion of China’s grand soft power strategy throughout the global community highlighting the use of three resources of soft power: culture, political values and foreign policies. This paper then transitions into a more specific study of the cross-Strait relationship examining the evolution of Jiang Zemin’s hard power approach to Hu Jintao’s soft power approach. This paper argues, as reflected in opinion polls, Hu Jintao’s new soft power strategy has already had an impact on the Taiwanese public’s perception of China. Taiwanese today, have a significantly more positive perception of China than they did during Jiang Zemin’s era. Furthermore, Hu Jintao’s pragmatic strategy seems to be effective in deterring Taiwanese independence.

In today¡¦s world, most nations seek for not only maximizing military and economic power, but also using their influence of soft power to other countries. Cultural diplomacy is the tool to help a country establish and spread its ¡§soft power¡¨; cultural diplomacy has become an essential option when the country develops its external relations. This article intends to realize the importance and method of the cultural diplomacy, and the utilities of the cultural diplomacy. Except America, China and the EU are absolutely the two great powers in the world. From culture diplomacy¡¦s perspective, this article examines what kind of the role that culture can play between China and the EU. According to the different self-identity, China will take different external actions. Emphasizing cultural diplomacy helps China defuse fears of ¡§the Rise of China¡¨ from the outside world. On the other side, culture is the key factor to help Europe retaining its advantage and conducting new ¡§Europe identity¡¨ at the same time. It¡¦s true that China and the EU do exist potential conflicts, but it is also difficult to deny the effectiveness of cultural diplomacy. Cultural diplomacy doesn¡¦t create ¡§zero-conflict¡¨ status, it also fairly concentrates on the way and attitude to solve problem. Even though China and EU contend for some issues, cultural diplomacy will continue to provide its function.

Tese (doutorado)—Universidade de Brasília, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, Centro de Pesquisa e Pós-Graduação sobre as Américas, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Estudos Comparados sobre as Américas, 2018. / Submitted by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2018-08-16T15:41:56Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2018_JoanaRibeirodeAbreu.pdf: 11118760 bytes, checksum: 743d7133382468384c72a30e97a3d967 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Raquel Viana (raquelviana@bce.unb.br) on 2018-08-27T19:12:18Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2018_JoanaRibeirodeAbreu.pdf: 11118760 bytes, checksum: 743d7133382468384c72a30e97a3d967 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T19:12:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2018_JoanaRibeirodeAbreu.pdf: 11118760 bytes, checksum: 743d7133382468384c72a30e97a3d967 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-16 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES). / O presente estudo tem por objetivo analisar as possíveis associações entre a mobilidade acadêmica internacional e a formação de soft power no Brasil e no México. Para tanto, tem como apoio a prática da diplomacia pública expressa no soft power do Fulbright Program, particularmente sobre a expertise do programa, como tipo ideal de desenvolvimento soft power. Para identificar algumas nuances de soft power nos aspectos essenciais de funcionamento em dois programas de mobilidade acadêmica de entrada: Becas de Excelencia del Gobierno de México para Extranjeros e Programa de Estudantes-Convênio de Pós-Graduação–PEC-PG do Brasil, fez-se importante a consideração pelas práticas de diplomacia pública, a saber: intercâmbios acadêmicos; colaboração educacional; e, internacionalização da pós-graduação stricto sensu. De viés qualitativo e para ofertar melhor integridade aos resultados, fizeram-se uso de dados quantitativos, com os procedimentos técnicos delineados na forma ex post facto. Com base no marco teórico e no modelo Fulbright, a análise comparativa possibilitou inferir que o Brasil e o México: ocupam um espaço de poder regional em temas relacionados à cooperação educacional; enviam mais estudantes para realizar a formação no exterior do que recebem; na América Latina, o Brasil é o país que mais envia estudantes para realizar a formação pós-graduada no exterior, sendo o México o segundo; no Brasil, a moioria dos estudantes estrangeiros é procedente de países beneficiários de acordos de cooperação educacional com o governo brasileiro, vinculados ao Programa de Estudantes-Convênio de Pós-Graduação; ao passo que no México a maior parte da mobilidade de estudantes é praticada na graduação e que são as universidades privadas que mais trabalham em estratégias de projeção ao exterior. / This study proposes to analyze the possible associations between international academic mobility and the formation of soft power in Brazil and Mexico. To this end, we sought to support the practice of public diplomacy expressed in the soft power of the Fulbright Program, particularly on the program's expertise, as an ideal type of soft power development. To identify some nuances of soft power in the essential aspects of functioning in two academic mobility programs of entry: Excellence Scholarships of the Government of Mexico for Foreigners and in the Program of Students-Agreement of Graduation-PEC-PG of Brazil, if the practices of public diplomacy: academic exchanges; educational collaboration and internationalization of the stricto sensu postgraduate course. This is a qualitative research, however, in order to give better results, quantitative data were used, with the technical procedures outlined ex post facto. Based on the theoretical framework and the Fulbright model, the comparative analysis enabled us to infer that both Brazil and Mexico occupy a regional power space on issues related to educational cooperation; that both countries send more students to undertake training abroad than they do; that in Latin America, Brazil is the country that most sends students to undertake post-graduate training abroad, with Mexico being the second; that in Brazil the majority of foreign students come from beneficiary countries of educational cooperation agreements with the Brazilian government, linked to the PECPG; that in Mexico, aspects of academic mobility suggest that it is the private universities that most work in strategies of projection abroad.

The aim of current paper is to analyse Russia's interpretation of soft power and how it has been implemented in Estonia. As Russia's understanding of the concept does not necessarily align with the definition proposed by Joseph Nye, Russian Foreign Policy will be examined along with the Compatriot Policies that are at the centre of Russia's soft power approach. The study will also assess the language and education questions in Estonia that are relevant to the Russian minority issue and thus have become integral part for the Russian Compatriot Policy as well as review the events over the recent years.

Os conceitos de soft power e hard power se desenvolveram muito ao longo das últimas décadas, geralmente com discussões sobre os instrumentos de uso desses tipos de poder e suas consequências. Ao mesmo tempo, poucos estudos foram feitos para tentar identificar condições mínimas para que o soft power florescesse e o hard power diminuísse. A presente tese tenta corroborar empiricamente a ideia de que países mais desenvolvidos e com instituições mais sólidas teriam condições de ter mais soft power e ao mesmo tempo menos hard power ao longo do tempo. Basicamente, ter uma economia desenvolvida e estável daria condições para que um país conseguisse ser exemplo para outros países. Por outro lado, países mais desenvolvidos institucional e economicamente teriam mais demandas sociais em contraposição a mais gastos militares. Além disso, testes empíricos também indicam que o crescimento das democracias no mundo permitiu que o gasto militar americano caísse ao longo dos anos, sendo que a evolução das democracias foi exógena ao gasto militar americano, dando abertura para uma visão realista de menor interferência militar em outros países por parte dos americanos. / The concepts of soft power and hard power have developed a lot over the last few decades, usually with discussions about the tools for using these types of power and their consequences. At the same time, few studies were done to try to identify minimum conditions for soft power to flourish and hard power to decrease. The present thesis tries to empirically confirm the idea that more developed countries with more solid institutions would be able to have more soft power and at the same time less hard power over time. Basically, having a developed and stable economy would make it possible for a country to be an example for other countries. On the other hand, more developed countries, institutionally and economically, would have more social demands as opposed to more military spending. In addition, empirical evidence also indicates that the growth of democracies in the world has allowed US military spending to fall over the years, with the evolution of democracies being exogenous to US military spending, opening up to a realist view of less military interference in other countries on the part of Americans.

Cette thèse a pour objectif d’analyser les relations internationales de la Russie par le biais de sa démographie. Ce choix se justifie par l’ampleur des changements socio-politiques du pays depuis la fin de l’URSS, et par la gravité de la situation démographique russe depuis 1991. Le pays connaît un déclin démographique durable, et l’hétérogénéité démographique régionale se renforce. La question devient alors un enjeu politique majeur. Ce déclin démographique a des impacts sur le territoire, l’économie et l’armée, redéfinissant ainsi la puissance russe. Les théories des relations internationales montrent la complexité du lien démographie/relations internationales d’un Etat. Le facteur démographique semble peu intégré par les décideurs, mais apporte un complément d’analyse qui relativise le discours de politique étrangère russe. Le critère démographique pourrait jouer un rôle plus important sur des enjeux internationaux de la Russie. Il lui offre même des opportunités. La démographie a un rôle ambigu dans les politiques chinoise et asiatique de Moscou. Le déclin démographique russe a participé à une redéfinition des relations entre la Russie et les pays de la CEI. Les liens migratoires avec la Russie sont le résultat d’une interdépendance démographique qui devient économique et ensuite politique. La réalité démographique de l’espace post-soviétique favorise une politique de soft power de Moscou en Asie centrale, notamment au Kazakhstan. Le déclin démographique russe a donc contribué à un changement de la politique étrangère et de la place de la Russie dans le monde / This thesis aims to analyse Russia’s international relations through its demographics. The choice is justified by the scale of socio-political changes in the country since the end of USSR and by the seriousness of the Russian demographic situation since 1991. The country is facing a lasting demographic decline and the regional demographic disparity has been accentuated. The question becomes therefore a major political issue. This demographic decline has impacts on the territory, the economy and the army, redefining thus the Russian power. International relations theories show the complexity of the connection between demographics and international relations of a State. The demographic factor seems less integrated by leaders but it offers further analysis that puts Russian foreign policy rhetoric into perspective. The demographic criteria could have a larger influence on Russia’s international issues. It offers also opportunities. Demography plays an ambiguous role in Moscow’s Chinese and Asian policies. The Russian demographic decline has had an impact on the redefinition of the relations between Russia and CIS countries. Migration ties with Russia are the result of a demographic interdependence that becomes an economic and then political one. The demographic reality in the post-Soviet area favours a soft power based policy for Moscow in Central Asia, especially in Kazakhstan. The Russia demographic reality has contributed to a shift within Russian foreign policy and a change of position for Russia in the world.

Harvard University professor Joseph Nye divided a country¡¦s comprehensive national power into hard power and soft power. A country¡¦s national interest ovelap each country and the interaction with countries become more frequent and close under the globalization. A country not only pursueds its own hard power, but develops its soft power. With soft power has become the core value in the international society, the effect of soft power has become the key stratergy to a country¡¦s foreign relations. Moreover, soft power has been China¡¦s foreign relations strategy. This paper analyzes how China uses foreign aid policy and Confucius Institute to achieve the efficacy of soft power. To analyze China¡¦s foreign aid policy and Confucius Institute¡¦s overall arrangement stratergy, and compare the different efficacy of soft power of the role of foreign aid policy and Confucius Institute. China¡¦s economic grows fast since 1978, but how to avoid the other countries fear and misgiving is a big challeange for Chinese government. Chinese government emphasizes peaceful development and develops a country¡¦s soft power to build more advantageous international environment.