While much has been written about British support for Republican Spain during the Spanish Civil War, this thesis offers a novel framework through which to consider this topic. It explores the popular humanitarian response to ‘Spain’ within the context of Britain’s bourgeoning civil society and popular political culture, following the advent of mass democracy in 1928. There has perhaps been a recent tendency amongst historians to underplay the breadth of British support for the Spanish Republic, and to suggest that the humanitarian character of this support was, very often, indicative of a detached and apolitical response. This thesis asks why the Spanish Republic had the unique appeal that it did, examining how people in Britain framed the conflict in Spain, and exploring what they did in practice in terms of raising humanitarian aid for, and awareness about, the Republican cause. In particular it does this by considering the response to ‘Spain’ within the peace movement, Co-operative movement and amongst British Christians. The thesis challenges the idea that many of those involved with the humanitarian campaigns saw Spain as a distant country and that they were detached from events there. It argues that, while political interpretations of the Spanish conflict were far from uniform, the plight and cause of the Republic resonated with notions of British identity in the 1930s, and with the crises that different groups and individuals perceived to be threatening their world order. It explores how the topic of non-intervention was debated within civil society and argues that support for this policy was not necessarily indicative of isolationism. It suggests that support for Republican Spain, even where it was largely ‘humanitarian’ in character, went alongside interest in the issues surrounding the conflict and is illustrative of a degree of both democratic engagement and popular internationalism within 1930s Britain.

-Ability to articulate the world of his own means, using post-production manipulation and mutual intervention. -Trying to phrase "without an accent," so that the recipient of the message (no longer subjectively) perceived the relationship between objectively defined entities. -all Redefines based on already recognized ... -Need of authorial manipulation and the presence of "alter ego", the second (submissive) I, in the role of uncritical recipient of my suggestions. -Koexistence And multiculturalism. -All Cats have four legs, my dog has four legs - hence my dog is a cat.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston University / Ana Caro de Mallén (c.1600-1645) wrote primarily comedias, autos sacramentales, and relaciones. Since she received monetary compensation for her autos and relaciones, Caro is arguably one of the first female professional writers to appear in Spain as well as in Europe as a whole. After exploring Caro's personal life and contextualizing her situation as a female cultural producer within early modern Europe, this study presents new readings of her plays and an examination of her relaciones in order to reveal Caro's consistent, albeit subtle, challenge to the patriarchal structures so deeply ingrained in the Spain of her day. In the play entitled Valor, agravio y mujer, the role of the gracioso as male friend to the protagonist Leonor is explored, showing how their relationship diverges from that commonly found in the comedia. In El conde Partinuplés, the use of the "invisible-mistress" plot is examined as a parody of certain elements of the typical "wife-murder" drama. While the relaciones are studied as independent texts, they are compared to other texts written by male writers about the same events, thereby revealing some of the ways Caro diverges from dominant representational practices. Although not a feminist in the modern sense of the word, Caro is certainly partial in her stance toward women in that her plays consistently highlight the dilemmas, frustrations, hopes and aspirations of her female characters. Likewise, in her relaciones , Caro does not refrain from commenting on the qualities of good leadership, the economic crisis in Spain, and the political tensions between Spain and countries such as France and Portugal. In this way, Caro succeeds in inserting her voice into a public sphere that often cultivated women's silence. Unlike Spain's other early modern women writers--who largely wrote either lyric poetry or religious texts from within the confines of convents--Ana Caro intervened in public and male-dominated areas by writing plays for the commercial stage and selling relaciones about major events.

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This thesis puts three antifascist writers in dialogue: Concha Zardoya, Natália Correia, and Ludovica Ripa di Meana. It does so based on their similarities as women who lived in Southern European fascist regimes, who wrote autobiographical poetry books about those regimes. Comparing and qualifying the regimes based on Umberto Eco’s Ur-Fascism, in which he highlights common “family resemblance” characteristics of fascist regimes, I set up the positionality of each women within her specific milieu. I then discuss the resulting poetry books, which all utilize a multi-temporal, teleological construction of the regime based on the writer’s own memory as someone who lived through it. Based on Michel-Roph Trouillot’s framing of history, I study how each writer uses this construction to move from agent/object of history to subject of history, thus granting herself the authority that was denied to her during the regime.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004. / Thesis advisor(s): Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 85-90). Also available online.

Córdoba and Jerez de la Frontera are situated in the north-eastern and south-western corners of the triangular delta of the Guadalquivir. They were reconquered and resettled by the Castilian Crown in the thirteenth century. During the period in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries which saw widespread alienation of lands by the Crown to nobles, to form lordships or señoríos, Córdoba and Jerez remained subject directly to the kings of Castile. Each town was governed by a council, consisting of jurados, who represented the individual parishes, and regidores, who from the fourteenth century formed a ruling oligarchy. The problem of proliferation of offices, beyond the legal number of twenty-four on both councils, faced the Catholic Monarchs at the beginning of their reign. Action was taken, particularly in Córdoba, where the situation was more extreme, to control office resignations and appointments, but officers continued to come from a small number of noble families. By their original charters (fueros), these towns also had magistrates, known as alcaldes mayores who represented the king in local affairs, but, from the early fifteenth century, new officials, known as corregidores, were superimposed on the old structure. These were appointed spasmodically to both towns in the period up to 1474. Town councils owned property on behalf of the Crown, consisting of buildings and grazing and arable lands. They also ruled outlying areas on behalf of the Crown which normally channelled its communications with these lesser towns and villages through the council of their chief town. The local councils also collected some royal taxes for their own use, though most were raised by the royal tax collector. Royal finances saw a spectacular improvement under Ferdinand and Isabella, but they continued to be weakened by the alienation of many revenues, in juro, for life or in perpetuity, to individuals, especially the territorial magnates of the kingdoms of Seville and Córdoba. This meant that it was possible for a magnate such as the duke of Medina Sidonia to gain an income comparable to that received by the Crown from the taxation of towns such as Córdoba and Jerez. The economy of western Andalusia was almost entirely agricultural. Most crops were produced for subsistence but grain and wine were exported from Jerez and district and wool from the Córdoba area. This wool was denied to the local cloth industry and exported from Seville by merchants from Burgos who came to Córdoba each year to buy owners' complete wool-crops in advance. The upper echelons of Córdoba society were heavily involved in this trade. The exploitation of tunny, which was the other main export commodity of the region, was in the hands of the upper nobility, particularly the dukes of Medina Sidonia and the counts of Arcos. The balance between the economic resources of the greatest magnates and the royal towns, such as Córdoba and Jerez, was also reflected in military affairs. The forces fielded in the Granada campaigns of 1482-92 show the strength in cavalry of the nobles to have been equal to that of royal towns, though the latter provided many more foot-soldiers. In political terms the problem which confronted Ferdinand and Isabella in their efforts to retain control over Córdoba and Jerez was to keep the local councils free of noble interference. This might be exercised through marriage alliances and links of feudal vassallage. The Catholic Monarchs in some respects pursued firm measures in order to reduce the power of the small number of magnates who had virtually gained complete control of the royal towns - the duke of Medina Sidonia in Seville, the marquis of Cádiz in Jerez and Don Alonso de Aguilar in Córdoba. These nobles retained their offices after Ferdinand and Isabella's visit to the region in 1477-8, but they were not allowed to exercise them. However, the fact that they still had a residual right to interfere in the government of royal towns posed a threat for the future. During the period between 1478 and 1500, corregidores succeeded one another peacefully as royal agents in contiol of Córdoba and Jerez, appointing their own officials and working in conjunction with the regidor. There were still noblemen from the twenty or so leading families of the kingdoms of Seville and Córdoba, but the most powerful figures were absent. However, after 1500 there was a resurgence of upper noble influence in Córdoba and Jerez. In the foriaer town, the marquis of Priego, son of Don Alonso de Aguilar, succeeded his father as alcalde mayor of Córdoba. Shortly before Isabella's death, in November 1504, the marquis appeared for the first time in a council-meeting. This action followed a period of severe grain-shortage which had begun in 1502 and continued until 1508. During this period, Córdoba council became indebted to nobles, including the marquis of Priego, for grain supplies from their señoríos, while these lasted, and for loans for the purchase and transport of foreign grain thereafter. Three episodes occurred in quick succession, between 1506 and 1508, in which the marquis of Priego and the count of Cabra took control of Córdoba as magistrates. The first two were caused by hitches in the re-appointment of corregidores, but in the third, the marquis crossed the border into revolt, imprisoning the king's alcalde. Ferdinand quelled the revolt by means of a military expedition which he conananded himself. The marquis and his henchmen, including rnany members of Córdoba council, were banished. Similarly severe action was taken by Ferdinand at this time to prevent the proposed marriage alliance between two of the leading Andalusian noble families, the Guzmán and the Girón. However, despite apparent royal severity towards the pretensions of leading nobles to return to their previous dominance in the area, illustrated by the Crown's successful exploitation of inheritance crises in the Ponce and Guzmán families in 1492 and 1502 to regain control of Cádiz and Gibraltar, respectively, there are distinct signs that in the early sixteenth century the monarchs were content to allow to the upper nobility a position in local society raore appropriate to their great wealth and traditional influence. Magnates returned to the governorship of royal fortresses, despite the protests of Córdoba council. The marquis and his henchmen were restored to this council in 1510 and even the armed invasion of Córdoba's town of Hornachuelos by the count of neighbouring Palma was tolerated. On the other side, it should be noted that the second attempt at a Guzmán - Girón marriage, in 1513, was thwarted by the Crown. The royal towns of western Andalusia, if Córdoba and Jerez may be taken as typical examples, emerged from the combined reigns of the Catholic Honarchs firmly in the grip of small ruling oligarchies, secure in the possession of effectively hereditary offices as regidores. Some of these office-holders were members of the wealthiest families in the region, others were not, but all had similar economic and political interests. The overall characteristics of society in this region in 1516 was immobility. No new families joined the ranks of the upper nobility in the kingdoms of Seville and Cordoba after 1492 and those already in a strong position found their wealth increased. However, this wealth showed itself in exploitation of the land and investment in government funds (juros) rather than trading activity. The leaders of Andalusian society at the beginning of the modern age were unenterprising and backward-looking, but their permanence had been guaranteed by the work of Ferdinand and Isabella.