Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)--University of Hong Kong, 1992. / Also available in print.

Thesis (M.P.A. )--Kutztown University of Pennsylvania, 2006. / Source: Masters Abstracts International, Volume: 45-06, page: 2948. Typescript. Abstract precedes thesis as 1 leaf (ii). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 100-101).

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Depuis les années 1990, le Mozambique connaît des changements sociopolitiques importants qui se prétendent démocratiques. Ces changements ont constitué un bouleversement de l’environnement du fonctionnement de la police. Depuis lors, la police est objet des réformes dont le but de rendre son organisation et fonctionnement compatibles aux exigences du maintien de l’ordre dans ce nouveau contexte sociopolitique. Toutefois, ces réformes n’ont pas changé profondément les pratiques policières. En effet, la police continue violente malgré les réformes démocratiques qu’elle a bénéficié. Inscrit dans la sociologie d’État et de la Police, cette étude cherche à expliquer ce paradoxe. Elle soutient que la continuité des pratiques policières violentes n’est pas étranger à l’État démocratique en construction au Mozambique. Elle traduit les limites de celui-ci et la conjoncture sociopolitique que le pays traverse depuis la transition démocratique, caractérisée par l’essor de la violence sociale et politique. Le contrôle de cette violence, en plus de freiner les réformes démocratiques de la police, légitime la violence policière comme mécanisme de contrôle social et d’affirmation d’État. / From the year of 1990, Mozambique suffered profound changes which are called as being democratic. These changes constituted a change in the operating environment of the police. Since then, the police have come to be the object of reforms whose goal is to make this organization and operation compatible with the requirements of maintaining order in new socio-political context. However, these reforms did not change profoundly the police practices. Enrolled in the sociology of the State and the Police, the present study seeks to explain this paradox. He argues that the persistence of violent police practices is not contrary to democratic State under construction in Mozambique. It translates the limits of this and socio-political situation that the country has been experiencing since the democratic transition, characterized by the increase of social and political violence. The control of this violence, in addition to brake the democratic reforms of the police, justifies the repression and police violence as a mechanism of social control and of the affirmation of the State.

Ancienne colonie française, le Sénégal indépendant en 1960, a hérité d’une administration et des institutions très fortement centralisées et bureaucratiques notamment la police. Cette police « coloniale », caractérisée par la répression, avait pour mission de protection de l’administration impérialiste. Le « tout répressif » d’antan, va, au cours de son évolution, céder la place à une police « moderne », en raison des influences endogènes (processus de démocratisation, mixité sociale, conflit en Casamance, etc.) et exogènes (mondialisation des menaces, globalisation des actions, la lutte contre le terrorisme). Le contexte sécuritaire du Sénégal milite en faveur d’une hybridation policière. En effet, l’accentuation de la globalisation, telle qu’observée ces dernières décennies, a révélé à quel point la protection des citoyens, des biens et de l’information ne se joue plus strictement à l’intérieur du territoire et s’opère désormais aussi largement dans la sphère internationale et transnationale. Qu’il s’agisse de la lutte contre le terrorisme, la cybercriminalité, le crime organisé transnational, ou encore la reconstruction de sociétés ravagées par des conflits armés, les missions « hors les frontières » de la police constituent désormais une réalité incontournable du travail policier. Ces évolutions de la police sénégalaise furent concomitantes de l’émergence de polices hybrides qui se sont traduites par des connections entre ces espaces et par des circulations de pratiques, d’acteurs dans le domaine de la sécurité autrefois régalien de la puissance étatique : c’est l’ère de la démonopolisation de l’Etat central sénégalais et l’émergence d’une coproduction de la sécurité. / Former French colony, Senegal independent in 1960, inherited an administration and very highly centralized and bureaucratic institutions including the police. This policy "colonial", characterized by repression, had the task of protecting the imperialistic administration. The 'all repressive' of yesteryear, will, in one change, give way to a "modern" police, due to endogenous influences (democratization, social diversity, conflict in Casamance, etc.) exogenous (globalization of threats, globalization actions, the fight against terrorism). The security context of Senegal argues for police hybridization. Indeed, the increasing globalization, as seen in recent decades, has revealed how the protection of citizens, goods and information is no longer played strictly within the territory and operates now also widely in international and transnational sphere. Whether the fight against terrorism, cybercrime, transnational organized crime, or rebuilding societies ravaged by conflict, missions "outside the boundaries" of the police have become an unavoidable reality of work policeman. These changes in the Senegalese police were concurrent with the emergence of hybrid policies that have resulted in connections between these spaces and circulations practices of actors in the field of security once sovereign state power: c 'is the era of de-monopolization of the central Senegalese state and the emergence of a co-production of security.

University of Technology, Sydney. Faculty of Education. / Policing is, everywhere, a precondition of a civil life. Food security and then human security mark the emergence of society from the chaos, or at least the uncertainty, of what went before. Since the late Industrial Revolution, policing has increasingly become specialized, bureaucratized, and public, and the trend, despite the rhetoric, has been towards technical rather than service or community policing. Service policing, the ultimate in bespoke, individually tailored policing, has been and is being used but it presents great difficulties for police in a pluralist society. Technical policing on the other hand has captured the imagination of police, and Hollywood. In its knowledge base and in its practice, it is marked by a crime fighting, law enforcement mentality and a fascination with tactics, technique, and technology itself. Technical policing has invariably led police into scandal and corruption as the great excuse, indeed the ideology, of the war against crime sweeps aside all other considerations and serves to increasingly isolate police from the public at the individual, community, and eventually societal level. Technical police managers, more akin to engineers than social workers, become fixated on process and input issues and on using the most efficient means. They lose sight of questions relating to ends and legitimacy, as they manipulate structures and shed, gain, invent, or discover functions. The tendency, aided by politicians doing popularist law and order politics, is for more coercive forms of policing to emerge to fight what is less and less fundamentally and unconditionally beyond the pale. While the public police are the coercive arm of the state, policing itself is a matter of consensus, and even consent, if it is not to be oppressive, cripplingly expensive and eventually inflammatory. Using the logic of representative democracy, consent is best or at least first established at the community level – civil society being an association of civil communities – utilizing a civics of voice (Hirshman 1970). Since the early 1900s, police and higher education have had an on again off again relationship, characterized more by active indifference than critical engagement. Yet higher education can significantly assist police in their great social work. In this research, which is normative and mostly conceptual in orientation and method, I use a heuristic principle of John Stuart Mill’s (1925 [1843]), in an analytic framework of educational philosophy developed by William K. Frankena (1970), to propose, explore and test a scheme for systematically analysing and methodically building a full-fledged philosophy of police management education. With normative, conceptual and experiential premises made out, the scheme proposed is open to being falsified, verified and/or modified at any stage or step. It therefore allows police management education to be better ‘joined up’ with police management practice and professional policing. The result of all this is above all a method of doing philosophy of police management education that allows for the articulation of related ends, means, methods and dispositions relevant to the enterprises of education and policing. As such it may be of some use to other police management educators and to police management practitioners. The proposal, developed as a result of my use of the method, may similarly be useful as it stands and even more useful on elaboration and customisation.

Thesis (M.Admin.(Public Administration)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007. / Abstract in English. Includes bibliographical references. Available on the Internet via the World Wide Web.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Pennsylvvania, 1933. / Published also without thesis note. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. "Seleted bibliography": p. 213-218.

Thesis (M. Arch.)--University of Hong Kong, 1997. / Includes special report study entitled: Application of ship design on architectural design. Includes bibliographical references.