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Social conflict in post-apartheid South Africa : a case study of the conflict at Volkswagen South Africa Ltd. between 1999 and 2000Cramer, Josef Wilhelm Peter Maria 12 1900 (has links)
Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The thesis is an analysis of the strikes at Volkswagen SA during the period 1999-2000
and its social and political outcomes. Seen from a broader perspective, it is a case
study of social conflict in a young democracy after the formal demise of apartheid in
1994.
By the time (i.e. early in 2000) events reached a climax, the company had lost
millions of Rand in revenue and more than 1300 workers their jobs. The thesis wants
to explain how this came to be - despite attempts by the company to establish a
pluralistic industrial relations culture that go back to the early 1990s and after,
ostensibly, gaining the consent of the shop stewards committee at the factory and the
NUMSA leadership for a lucrative ("A4") export agreement.
After studying the literature and the press, interviewing key actors in the "drama", and
closely following the proceedings of the CCMA and the Labour Court, the thesis
comes up with an explanation more complex than the "conventional" ones offered
during and after the strike. The immediate cause of the strike action was the nonacceptance
of the terms of the export agreement by 13 shop stewards and their
supporters. These shop stewards had been elected onto the VW shop steward council
after their union (i.e. NUMSA) and the company had concluded the agreement. When
they came out in open defiance of the agreement, they were suspended by the union
for their unconstitutional action. They subsequently tried to rally their followers for
their own reinstatement.
However, the thesis shows that the strikes of 1999 and 2000 were merely two more
outbursts of shop floor tension and conflict that had been dormant for a long time.
Before and after 1994, there existed informal structures and factions at the shop floor
level which refused to tow the official NUMSA "line" - a policy which increasingly
started to embrace the ethos of "reconstruction" and economic competitiveness.
Neither the union leadership, nor company management were able to deal with these
informal structures and bring the dissident faction under control. Although the
potential for more cooperation and trust did exist, both the union leadership and
management failed to turn this into "social capital". The thesis suggest that this may
have been possible, if there had been more direct forms of worker participation (over
and above the shop stewards committee). Also, the haemorraging of the union
leadership after 1994, and the increasing bureaucratisation of industrial relations did
nothing to improve the situation.
To make matters worse, the thesis argues, the terms ofthe export agreement were not
properly communicated to the union rank and file. To top it all, the thesis provides
ample evidence that the VW workers could not record any extra material gains in
exchange for more flexible working arrangements in the wake of the shift from
"Fordism" to "Lean Production" at the Uitenhage factory. Here, "wealth creative"
industrial relations did not accompany the shift to lean production, as post-Fordist
theory would like to suggest. When the 13 shop stewards and a certain percentage of
the VW workforce came out in protest against this arrangement, no special efforts
were made to mediate the conflict.
The "fallout" of the conflict includes hundreds of millions of Rand in lost company
revenue, more unemployment in one of the poorest regions of South Africa, a drawn
out legal process and political divisions in worker ranks and in the Uitenhage
community. Although NUMSA admits to a "wakeup call", the relationship between
the COSA TU affiliated union and the state is as close as ever. In the eyes of the thesis,
however, the case of the VW strike, including the direct intervention of the head of
state, is proof that the young, post-settlement democracy is not yet able to deal with
social conflict in a mature way. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis is 'n analise van die stakings by Volkswagen SA tydens die periode 1999-
2000 en sy sosiale en politieke gevolge. Gesien vanuit 'n breer perspektief, is dit 'n
gevallestudie van sosiale konflik in 'n jong demokrasie na die formele be'indiging van
apartheid in 1994.
Teen die tyd (vroeg in 2000) wat gebeure 'n hoogtepunt bereik het, het die
maatskappy honderde miljoene Rande in inkomste verloor en meer as 1300 werkers
hul werk. Die tesis wil verklaar waarom dit gebeur het - ten spyte van die pogings
deur die firma sedert die vroee 1990s om 'n pluralistiese arbeidsverhoudingskultuur te
skep en nadat die "shop stewards" komitee by die fabriek en die NUMSA leirskap
oenskynlik sy instemming gegee het tot 'n lonende ("A4") uitvoerkontrak.
Na 'n studie van die literatuur en die pers, onderhoude met sleutel akteurs in die
"drama" en 'n noukeurige monitering van die verrigtinge by die CCMA en die
arbeidshof, kom die tesis na vore met 'n verklaring wat meer kompleks is as die wat
tydens die staking en daama aangebied is. Die onmidellike oorsaak van die staking
was die nie-aanvaarding van die uitvoer ooreenkoms deur 13 "shop stewards" en hul
ondersteuners. Hierdie "shop stewards" is verkies tot die VW "shop steward" komitee
midat die unie (d.w.s. NUMSA) en die maatskappy die ooreenkoms gesluit het. Toe
hulle openlike opposisie teen die ooreenkoms gewys het, is hulle deur die unie
geskors vir hul onkonstitusionele optrede. Hulle het daama hul ondersteuners probeer
mobiliseer vir die herstel van hul posisies.
Die tesis wys egter dat die stakings van 1999 en 2000 bloot nog twee uitbarstings was
van 'n smeulende fabrieksvloer konflik en spanning wat vir 'n lank tyd reeds
sluimerend was. V oor en mi 1994 het daar informele strukture en faksies op die
fabrieksvloer bestaan wat geweier het om die amptelike beleid van NUMSA te volg -
'n beleid wat toenemend die etos van "rekonstruksie" en ekonomiese
mededingendheid aangeneem het. Nog die unie leierskap, nog die maatskappy bestuur
was instaat om die informele strukture te hanteer en die afwykende faksie onder
beheer te bring. Alhoewel die potensiaal vir meer samewerking en vertroue bestaan
het, het beide die unie leierskap en die bestuur daarin gefaal om dit te omvorm tot
"sosiale kapitaal". Die tesis suggereer dat dit moontlik sou gewees het as daar 'n meer
direkte vorm van werkers deelname (bo en behalwe die "shop stewards" komitee)
bestaan het. Die verlies aan kwaliteit leiers mi 1994, sowel as die toenemende
burokratisering van arbeidsverhoudings het ook nie gehelp om die situasie te beredder
me.
Om dinge te vererger, redeneer die tesis, is die klousules van die uitvoer ooreenkoms
nie behoorlik aan die gewone unie lede verduidelik nie. Om alles te kroon, voorsien
die tesis genoeg bewyse dat die VW werkers nie enige ekstra materiele voordele kon
aanteken in ruil vir meer buigsame werksreelings as deel van die skuif vanaf
"Fordisme" na "Lean Production" by die fabriek in Uitenhage nie. Hier het
"welvaartskeppende" arbeidsverhoudings nie hand-aan-hand gegaan met die skuif na
"lean production, soos post-Fordistiese teorie wil suggereer nie. Toe die 13 "shop
stewards" en 'n sekere persentasie van die VW arbeidsmag openlik daarteen
geprotesteer het, is geen spesiale poging aangewend om die konflik te besleg nie.
Die skade van die konflik sluit honderde miljoene Rande aan verlore maatskappy
inkomste, meer werkloosheid in een van Suid-Afrika se armste streke, 'n uitgerekte
regsproses en politieke verdeeldheid onder werkers en in die Uitenhage gemeenskap
in. Alhoewel NUMSA erken dat hulle "wakkergeskrik" het, is die verhouding tussen
die COSA TU geaffilieerde vakunie en die staat so eng soos vantevore. In die oe van·
die tesis egter, is die geval van die VW staking, insluitende die direkte ingryping deur
die staatshoof, 'n bewys daarvan dat die jong, post-skikking demokrasie nog nie
gereed is om sosiale konflik op 'n ryp manier te hanteer nie.
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