This study examines the origins of Willard's Hotel, Washington, D. C.; its growth into first-class status; and its role as a para-political agency during Abraham Lincoln's nine-day sojourn prior to his first inauguration in 1861. The research for this study was based on the Joseph Willard papers and the Willard's Hotel Register, 18601861, located in the Manuscript Division, Library of Congress. Additional interpretation came from the Indiana Historical Society where staff members demonstrated methods that helped the investigator decipher the names in the Register. Other primary sources mere used to discover Washington, D. C., and Willard's Hotel during this period.In 1861, Washington, D. C., was considered by many journalists and visitors to be a small town plagued with many problems. Numerous uncompleted government and public buildings stood throughout the city. The diverse, transient population was based on the seasonal character of Congress. And the city continued to suffer from annoying diseases and moral bankruptcy.Another problem complicating Washington's environment was the deplorable condition of its streets. Of the numerous thoroughfares, Pennsylvania Avenue was the most popular and most often criticized avenue in the city, especially the mile and a half between the Capitol and the White House. Journalists and visitors desiring overnight room and board rushed to the Avenue in hopes of finding first-class accommodations in one of the four major hotels.The most popular of the four hotels was Willard's at Fourteenth Street and Pennsylvania Avenue. Located only two blocks from the White House, Willard's eventually became the center of social, economical and political activity in the capital. Willard's was large and impressive, with a luxurious interior, a well-trained staff and modern services to accommodate the guest. The success of the Willard's was based on the ingenious management of Henry and Joseph Willard.By 1861, Willard's reputation as a first-class hostelry attracted many high ranking politicians. More importantly, on February 23, 1861, President-Elect Abraham Lincoln stayed at Willard's until his inauguration March 4. The tempo of guests arriving at Willard's remained at a high level until the day Lincoln departed for his inaugural speech. Hordes of people crowded Willard's lobby in the short nine days, hoping to see the President-Elect. Among the crowd were sundry office-seekers in search of political patronage and favors.Perhaps most interesting of the guests were the political lieutenants registered at Willard's. Representing state and national political leaders, the lieutenants' main concerns were the distribution of patronage. Indeed, each of them attempted to manipulate the final political appointments that would be determined by the President-Elect. Interestingly enough, Lincoln was more inclined to give ear to political lieutenants than to the common office-seeker.Because of the presence of Lincoln and the political lieutenants, Willard's served as the vital place where political activities could take place. The findings of this study indicate that Willard's provided the nation's capital with a public house where decisions were made and political positions formulated which would later have direct influence in governmental policies.

During the last 15 years, the former “star pupil” of the Washington Consensus, Argentina, has witnessed a dramatic turn of international economic regime. Having pursued a markedly neoliberal economic agenda previous to the 2001 financial crisis, external and internal factors now suggest a structural shift in Argentine politics. Using regime theory and theoretical concepts by international relations theorist Evelyn Goh, this study investigates the implications of a changing US hegemony on Argentine compliance with the leading international economic regime of the unipolar world order.

This thesis analyses the so called post-Washington consensus (PWC) and the role of the World Bank in its promotion and implementation. It argues that the PWC represents the promotion of a new form of neoliberalism – socio-institutional neoliberalism (SIN) – which stems from the conflict and contradiction associated with the Washington consensus based around earlier neoliberal prescriptions such as fiscal discipline, trade liberalisation and privatisation. While seeking the continued extension of liberal markets attempted by proponents of the Washington consensus, SIN rigorously specifies the institutional elements that neoliberals now see markets requiring. It stipulates a particular state form and even allocates roles to specific social institutions. Vitally, SIN is not just about policy content. Indeed, it is an attempt to shape the very environment through which policy can be contested. To this end, SIN includes important delivery devices and political technologies to aid with embedding reform, in an attempt to resolve one of the major problems for the Washington consensus: insufficient progress in reform implementation. SIN is highly political in terms of its ideological commitments, the policy matrices that these commitments generate and the processes by which the implementation of reform is attempted. As a political programme, SIN seeks nothing less than the embedding of a form of governance that attempts to contain the inevitable clashes associated with the extension of market relations. While this attempt at extending market relations inextricably links the Washington consensus with the PWC, it is the substantive efforts and new methods associated with the latter to deliver and deeply embed policy which make it distinct. Yet SIN continues to face differing degrees of acceptance and resistance in the underdeveloped world. Here it is essential to consider internal Bank dynamics, relations between the Bank and member countries, and the various alliances and conflicts within these countries and their involvement in either promoting or resisting SIN reform. A feature of this thesis is the analytical framework that allows systematic consideration of these diverse political dynamics. Crucially, the reality of such political dynamics means that there is often a significant gap between what the World Bank promotes and what occurs on the ground.

Sketches of Washington County, Virginia, including an account of the Preston family. / Also available in digital form on the Internet Archive Web site.

Thesis (M.C.E.)--University of Delaware, 2007. / Principal faculty advisor: Sue McNeil, Dept. of Civil & Environmental Engineering. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Maryland, 1991. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 273-285).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Catholic University of America, 1942. / Bibliography: p. 58-59.

Thesis--Catholic University of America. / Bibliography: p. 366-369.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Catholic University of America, 1942. / Bibliography: p. 58-59.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1969. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.