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Access to reliable water and sanitation are two important goals to improve livelihoods around the world. Providing access to improved and safe water resources that are equitable and appropriate to local needs is important to improve sustainability long-term. In addition, framing access to water and sanitation as basic human rights is often used as a rationale in developing new water, sanitation, and hygiene interventions in developing countries around the world. But not all countries consider access to safe water and sanitation as a human right. In the thesis, the politics of improving and investment in water access and sanitation provision are considered. The socio-cultural impacts of lack of sanitation in the lives of residents of Valparaiso de Goias, Brazil are explored. During a period of nine months, I also assessed perceptions of water scarcity and insecurity, and documented ideas of water reuse and sustainability in the area. I found that access to water and sanitation are not viewed as human rights, but as part of a discourse of citizenship and a social right. These services are viewed as a responsibility of the State to its residents because they are Brazilian and because it ensures improved livelihoods for the country’s residents. I also found that access to wastewater treatment infrastructure varied throughout the city, though treatment of wastewater remains very important to the study site community. In addition, the feasibility of implementing sustainable alternatives to address community needs is unlikely, given the infrastructural, financial, and space constraints. Political will and support have an important role in increasing and improving access to sanitation infrastructure. Perceptions of water scarcity varied between local residents and water service providers and other professionals interviewed. Though water is not perceived as scarce, Valparaiso and the Federal District of Brazil are located in a water stressed area, and are therefore more susceptible to water shortages and decreased water availability. Finally, community-based solutions to address water shortages should be included in the expansion of water reservoirs to collect rainwater, the usage of fines and bonuses to encourage appropriate water consumption.

In spite of decades-long development programs, Lesotho faces an ongoing problem of water insecurity with far- reaching individual and social impacts. The purpose of this research was to understand how women in Lesotho are impacted by the synergistic epidemics, or syndemics, of water insecurity and HIV/AIDS and how they respond to these forces. Little has been done to address how water insecurity, defined in terms of both sufficient amount and quality of water, catalyzes the syndemic impact on the people of Lesotho. Access to safe and reliable sources of water is crucial for all individuals, particularly those who have been affected by the HIV/AIDS epidemic. First, water is essential for adequate nutrition since it is required for the growing of agricultural products and for the preparation of adequate foods needed to maintain the nutritional health of those already infected with the virus. Second, food and water security is essential for the treatment of AIDS, as the complex drug regimes of anti-retroviral (ARV) medications require reliable and constant access to safe water and nutritious foods to facilitate compliance with medications. This research was also concerned with understanding the psycho-emotional experience of water insecurity. Water insecurity constrained people's ability to effectively care for their families and, as a result, created additional work and stress. Indeed, quantitative findings revealed that there was a significant relationship between water insecurity and psycho-emotional distress, and that water insecurity predicted higher scores on the Hopkins Symptoms Checklist (HSCL-25), holding constant socio-economic variables and food insecurity. Water security is dependent on many dimensions from adequate availability, secure access, and having enough water for one's daily needs. However, worry about water safety emerged as an important focus in both the qualitative and quantitative data. Water safety was a noted stress in people's daily lives, and significantly predicted increased scores on the HSCL-25. More broadly, this research theoretically informs critical medical anthropology and development anthropology. While this research was conducted in three villages in the Lesotho lowlands, this research must be contextualized within larger anthropological theory regarding international development and women in relation to it. This research combines several theories used in anthropology, international development, and social geography including political economy and structural violence, post-structuralism and governmentality, and theorizations about space and place to understand how women in Lesotho respond to globalization. Despite the proliferation of the terms participation and participatory development nearly 20 years ago, these constructs remain important in international development. While the ideology of participation originally stems from activist understandings of the role of communities in development, the use of participation has become depoliticized. As opposed to grassroots mobilization and the foregrounding of local realities, participation often means little more than a method for facilitating project implementation. Furthermore, respondents routinely discussed programs coming into communities and leaving without notice or explanation. It is imperative for donor organizations to consider the ethics of sustainability when planning and implementing new programs. In terms of community programs and grassroots organizing, findings from this research indicate that there are many material and social barriers to participation. Understanding not only women's other responsibilities but also the support they may receive from family and friends is important in any discussion of community participation. Many feminist critics of development argue that gender and class considerations have not been meaningfully addressed in policy and development programs. As global feminists argue that development aims should understand the heterogeneity of women worldwide, more research on women's perceptions of their vulnerability and their position in society is needed to inform development. Women in the global South are not passive victims and their views are important in delineating the goals and methods of development plans. Furthermore, it is important to recognize that participation may not always be in women's, or men's, best interest and that often activism and collective organizing may be more subtle than expected. In short, neither globalization nor resistance are complete power is contingent and negotiated, and thus this research reaffirms the importance of ethnography in uncovering the lived experience of globalization, or a critical ethnography of globalization.

Water insecurity is one of the biggest socio-environmental challenges of our time. As water gets scarce, already disempowered groups become further marginalized. Throughout the last decades “good” water governance has been presented by global institutions and organizations as a key concept to render water management more effective, sustainable and democratic. However, general theories of “good” governance have been criticized for being gender-blind and for failing to recognize how governance is adopted at a local level, leading to different outcomes for people based on their social identity. The aim of this thesis is to identify water governance arrangements in Caltongo, a peri-urban community in Mexico City, and analyze what outcomes these arrangements have for women. The thesis builds on a feminist political ecology framework that cuts through both theory and method. Empirical data is collected through semi-structured interviews with women and community leaders in Caltongo. The analysis builds on a model that uses three concepts to define governance: resources, mechanisms and outcomes. The results of this analysis show that the strategies that women in Caltongo draw from to access water are based around political involvement, cash payment for water services and social networks. The outcomes are different for different women depending on their ability to use these strategies.