The purpose of this study was to obtain a description of the career and lifestyle expectations of a sample of intellectually gifted female secondary school students in Ottawa, Ontario, Canada. The subjects were 140 gifted female students, selected through their school principals to attend a conference on career awareness. Data were obtained from four sources: (1) Career choices, as provided on conference registration materials; (2) Futures' Diary, a questionnaire designed to gain a description of subject expectations for work and lifestyle patterns at age thirty; (3) Family Work Patterns, a questionnaire designed to obtain a description of current work and family life patterns; and (4) Career Factor Checklist, an instrument developed to assess the relative influence of 28 factors affecting career decision making and subject awareness of them. The factors are divided into six sub scales: familial, societal, individual, socioeconomic, situational, and psychosocial emotional. Data analysis was done using descriptive measures of frequency distribution, range and percentage. In career choice, subjects selected 28 careers, with 74.96% selecting professional careers, and 52.27% selecting male-dominated professions. The Futures' Diary questionnaire indicated that 74% of subjects expected to combine career and family, with less than 2% expecting to be personally responsible for their children's home day care. Subjects expected a relatively affluent lifestyle that included home ownership (83.57%) and international travel (52.86%). Divorce was foreseen by fewer than 1% of subjects, and egalitarian work and family patterns were expected. These findings were contrasted with their current experience of more traditional patterns, as shown in the Family Work Patterns questionnaire. The Career Factor Checklist showed that subjects perceived the strongest effect on their career choices to come from individual factors, including self-expectancies, abilities, interests, need to achieve, and attitudes. Situational chance factors were seen to have the least effect These findings were discussed relative to current research on adolescence and current career and family patterns. Recommendations for further research and counseling were given.

Second-generation East Indian women represent a visible ethnic minority group in need of culturally sensitive research to facilitate an understanding of their integration into Canadian society. There is a scarcity of systematic qualitative inquires into the experience of this contemporary second-generation population within a North American context. Hence, the primary objective of this study is to understand the bicultural experience of a select group of second-generation East Indian women using a focused ethnography as a research tool. The central questions guiding this inquiry are (a) What are the salient aspects in the subjective experience of second-generation East Indian women as they grow up within both an East Indian and Canadian cultural context? (b) What are some of the challenges they face as a result of their biculturalism, and (c) How do they negotiate these challenges? / The sample pool consisted of 16 second-generation East Indian women between the ages of 20 and 40 years who were either working or attending university and who were English speaking. Data collection focused on individual and follow-up interviews, each lasting 60 to 90 minutes. A latent content analysis was used to analyze the interview data and focused on looking for general themes, patterns and trends in the data set. Results suggest that the bicultural experience of this population is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon that reflects the intersection of multiple identities including race, ethnicity, gender and cultural values.

No description available.

Breastfeeding is the optimal form of infant feeding. It appears to protect children from certain childhood diseases that are over represented in the Aboriginal population. Although breastfeeding rates in the general Canadian population have increased over the past two decades, they remain lower than recommended. Rates in the Canadian Aboriginal population are even lower. Breastfeeding literature among Aboriginals is largely demographic and statistical in nature and focuses primarily on First Nations women living on reserves. The purpose of this study was to investigate the factors influencing the infant feeding decisions of Aboriginal women living in Saskatoon. Data were collected using qualitative methods, including face-to-face interviews and prolonged observation. Between October 2003 and May 2004, interviews were conducted with a total of eight participants recruited from the Food for Thought program in Saskatoon. A semi-structured prenatal interview was followed by two unstructured, in-depth interviews at approximately one month postpartum. The researcher's participation in two weekly Food for Thought sessions over the same time period allowed for prolonged observation. Observations were recorded using field notes and interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed verbatim. Observation and interview data from each participant were analyzed separately for dominant themes and then integrated to establish collective influencing factors. Results indicated influencing factors are numerous and varied in nature. Contextual (sociocultural and environmental), attitudinal, cognitive (knowledge, information and beliefs), experiential (previous infant feeding experiences), and psychological influences were revealed. The principle implication of this study for those involved with the protection, support, and promotion of breastfeeding in this population is that there are many factors capable of influencing feeding decisions. Feeding decisions are not static; they are dynamic and result from the complex interplay between influencing factors. The importance or significance of any single factor is a reflection of the circumstances surrounding the particular feeding decision.

Breastfeeding is the optimal form of infant feeding. It appears to protect children from certain childhood diseases that are over represented in the Aboriginal population. Although breastfeeding rates in the general Canadian population have increased over the past two decades, they remain lower than recommended. Rates in the Canadian Aboriginal population are even lower. Breastfeeding literature among Aboriginals is largely demographic and statistical in nature and focuses primarily on First Nations women living on reserves. The purpose of this study was to investigate the factors influencing the infant feeding decisions of Aboriginal women living in Saskatoon. Data were collected using qualitative methods, including face-to-face interviews and prolonged observation. Between October 2003 and May 2004, interviews were conducted with a total of eight participants recruited from the Food for Thought program in Saskatoon. A semi-structured prenatal interview was followed by two unstructured, in-depth interviews at approximately one month postpartum. The researcher's participation in two weekly Food for Thought sessions over the same time period allowed for prolonged observation. Observations were recorded using field notes and interviews were tape-recorded and transcribed verbatim. Observation and interview data from each participant were analyzed separately for dominant themes and then integrated to establish collective influencing factors. Results indicated influencing factors are numerous and varied in nature. Contextual (sociocultural and environmental), attitudinal, cognitive (knowledge, information and beliefs), experiential (previous infant feeding experiences), and psychological influences were revealed. The principle implication of this study for those involved with the protection, support, and promotion of breastfeeding in this population is that there are many factors capable of influencing feeding decisions. Feeding decisions are not static; they are dynamic and result from the complex interplay between influencing factors. The importance or significance of any single factor is a reflection of the circumstances surrounding the particular feeding decision.

Describing historical accounts of Canadian Nikkei1 experience, historian Midge (Michiko) Ayukawa (1996) writes that these accounts represent "history in the passive voice, and that it is necessary to retell it with the eyes and ears of the people who were directly involved" (3). For Nikkei women, "history in the passive voice" has either completely overlooked their experiences or narrowly defined their social role in terms of domesticity and submission to a patriarchal authority. The dominant image of the Japanese Canadian woman has been that of the "good wife, wise mother" (Ayukawa 1995). This ideal image of womanhood emerged as a component in the dramatic processes of social reform in Meiji Japan (1868-1912). Both Caucasian and Nikkei historians have sustained the power of this mythical image by characterizing those experiences that exceed its conceptual boundaries as merely idiosyncratic. Simultaneously, however, Nikkei women have been weaving narratives of their history which both duplicate and subvert this image of quiet domesticity. This study contrasts processes of identity formation in twentieth-century writing by and about Canadian Nikkei women. I approach these narratives by first analyzing the categories of race, class, ethnicity, culture, and gender that historians, anthropologists, literary theorists, and theorists of ethnicity have constructed in order to interpret and contain them. I then examine how the narratives engage with three dominant discourses of being, namely those concerned with food, sexuality, and the transmission of culture. For several reasons, I treat this body of writing from an interdisciplinary and multi-theoretical perspective. My sources include published and unpublished texts from a variety of disciplines, including anthropology, history, literature, and geography. These texts embrace a wide range of genres, among them fiction, poetry, autobiography, the essay, the journal, the letter, so-called conventional scholarship, and responses to an ethnograhic questionnaire that I have collected. The texts are also informed by both Japanese and "western"2 cultural ideas and practices, and sometimes by several additional cultural influences. Their writers create a complex interrelation of textual identities which invites a range of disciplinary and theoretical perspectives. Thus I examine the texts by engaging with a number of theories, including deconstructive postmodernism, deconstructive feminism, feminist anthropology, feminist history, and close textual analysis. I base this study on the theoretical premise that to treat narratives of experience rigorously, the researcher must regard the texts as both objects of study and authoritative critical voices (Cole and Phillips 1995; Chow 1993; Trinh 1989; Clifford and Marcus 1986). Therefore, I look to writing by Nikkei women for its reflections on Nikkei women's experiences, but also for guidance in interpreting the texts under study. As well, I read these texts for their critical comment on the conceptual categories that conventional scholarship has used to manage the unruliness and ambiguity of Nikkei women's narratives and experience. By welcoming the categorically disruptive, my analysis offers a theoretical perspective that may help to ensure a creative interrelation of theory and praxis. [Footnotes] 1 "Nikkei" are individuals of Japanese descent living outside of Japan. 2 Some researchers favour the upper case "Western" to describe North American and European theoretical traditions across disciplines (Mennell 1985). I include in the category of "western" all those ideas that become a body of thought as they are used to distinguish them from "eastern" or "oriental." With the success of European and American imperialist projects from the nineteenth century to the present, this "setting-off against the Orient," as Said calls it (Orientalism 3), exceeds national boundaries. One can say, then, that there are critics of Japanese ancestry, residing in Japan and elsewhere, who write from a western point of view. Thus, I depend on the lower-case "western," to emphasize the constructed nature of western ideology, as opposed to the stricter geographical or political connotations suggested by the proper noun.

Describing historical accounts of Canadian Nikkei1 experience, historian Midge (Michiko) Ayukawa (1996) writes that these accounts represent "history in the passive voice, and that it is necessary to retell it with the eyes and ears of the people who were directly involved" (3). For Nikkei women, "history in the passive voice" has either completely overlooked their experiences or narrowly defined their social role in terms of domesticity and submission to a patriarchal authority. The dominant image of the Japanese Canadian woman has been that of the "good wife, wise mother" (Ayukawa 1995). This ideal image of womanhood emerged as a component in the dramatic processes of social reform in Meiji Japan (1868-1912). Both Caucasian and Nikkei historians have sustained the power of this mythical image by characterizing those experiences that exceed its conceptual boundaries as merely idiosyncratic. Simultaneously, however, Nikkei women have been weaving narratives of their history which both duplicate and subvert this image of quiet domesticity. This study contrasts processes of identity formation in twentieth-century writing by and about Canadian Nikkei women. I approach these narratives by first analyzing the categories of race, class, ethnicity, culture, and gender that historians, anthropologists, literary theorists, and theorists of ethnicity have constructed in order to interpret and contain them. I then examine how the narratives engage with three dominant discourses of being, namely those concerned with food, sexuality, and the transmission of culture. For several reasons, I treat this body of writing from an interdisciplinary and multi-theoretical perspective. My sources include published and unpublished texts from a variety of disciplines, including anthropology, history, literature, and geography. These texts embrace a wide range of genres, among them fiction, poetry, autobiography, the essay, the journal, the letter, so-called conventional scholarship, and responses to an ethnograhic questionnaire that I have collected. The texts are also informed by both Japanese and "western"2 cultural ideas and practices, and sometimes by several additional cultural influences. Their writers create a complex interrelation of textual identities which invites a range of disciplinary and theoretical perspectives. Thus I examine the texts by engaging with a number of theories, including deconstructive postmodernism, deconstructive feminism, feminist anthropology, feminist history, and close textual analysis. I base this study on the theoretical premise that to treat narratives of experience rigorously, the researcher must regard the texts as both objects of study and authoritative critical voices (Cole and Phillips 1995; Chow 1993; Trinh 1989; Clifford and Marcus 1986). Therefore, I look to writing by Nikkei women for its reflections on Nikkei women's experiences, but also for guidance in interpreting the texts under study. As well, I read these texts for their critical comment on the conceptual categories that conventional scholarship has used to manage the unruliness and ambiguity of Nikkei women's narratives and experience. By welcoming the categorically disruptive, my analysis offers a theoretical perspective that may help to ensure a creative interrelation of theory and praxis. [Footnotes] 1 "Nikkei" are individuals of Japanese descent living outside of Japan. 2 Some researchers favour the upper case "Western" to describe North American and European theoretical traditions across disciplines (Mennell 1985). I include in the category of "western" all those ideas that become a body of thought as they are used to distinguish them from "eastern" or "oriental." With the success of European and American imperialist projects from the nineteenth century to the present, this "setting-off against the Orient," as Said calls it (Orientalism 3), exceeds national boundaries. One can say, then, that there are critics of Japanese ancestry, residing in Japan and elsewhere, who write from a western point of view. Thus, I depend on the lower-case "western," to emphasize the constructed nature of western ideology, as opposed to the stricter geographical or political connotations suggested by the proper noun. / Graduate and Postdoctoral Studies / Graduate

This thesis focuses on Aboriginal women as survivors of intimate violence, and as participants in debates about justice and rights in the academic, political and legal spheres. While several federal and provincial reports have documented the adverse impact of the dominant criminal justice system on Aboriginal peoples, most of the reports fail to consider the impact of the dominant system, and of reform initiatives on Aboriginal women, who engage with such systems primarily as survivors of violence. Although feminist legal scholars and activists have focused on survivors of violence in critiquing the dominant justice system, such discourses have also tended to ignore the needs and concerns of Aboriginal women in recommending reforms to the dominant system, as well as in theorizing the causes and sites of intimate violence. Using feminist methods, I explore how the writings of Aboriginal women have begun to fill these gaps. In focusing on gender and racial oppression, Aboriginal women have complicated theories on and reforms around intimate violence, and have demanded that they be included in the shaping of public institutions in both the Canadian legal system, and in the context of Aboriginal self-government. While Aboriginal women largely support the creation of Aboriginal justice systems, some have expressed concerns about the willingness of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal leaders to include women in the process of creating, implementing and operating such systems. The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, as well as Aboriginal rights under the Constitution Act, 1982 have been advocated as means of achieving Aboriginal women's participation in this context. This gives rise to a number of fundamental questions which I examine in my thesis. What is the historical basis for the participation of Aboriginal women in the political process, and for survivors of violence in both the dominant and Aboriginal justice systems? What is the significance of the absence of Aboriginal women from dominant discourses on justice and intimate violence? Might a broader level of participation for survivors of violence, both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal, ameliorate the problematic aspects of the dominant justice system? Does the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms provide a vehicle for survivors of violence who seek a greater level of protection and participation in the dominant justice system? Can the Charter, or Aboriginal rights under the Canadian constitution, assist Aboriginal women in establishing a right of participation in the processes leading to the creation of Aboriginal justice systems, and their participation in such systems once they have been created? What are the limitations of rights discourse in this context? My analysis suggests that the Supreme Court of Canada's conservative approach to rights, as well as more fundamental limitations in rights discourse, make constitutional litigation within the dominant system a sometimes necessary, but not ideal strategy for Aboriginal women in defining their involvement in the political and justice arenas. On the other hand, there is potential for rights discourse to bear more fruit once Aboriginal decision making fora are in place, in keeping with holistic approaches to interpretation, and the traditional roles of Aboriginal women and survivors of violence in justice and in the community.

This thesis focuses on Aboriginal women as survivors of intimate violence, and as participants in debates about justice and rights in the academic, political and legal spheres. While several federal and provincial reports have documented the adverse impact of the dominant criminal justice system on Aboriginal peoples, most of the reports fail to consider the impact of the dominant system, and of reform initiatives on Aboriginal women, who engage with such systems primarily as survivors of violence. Although feminist legal scholars and activists have focused on survivors of violence in critiquing the dominant justice system, such discourses have also tended to ignore the needs and concerns of Aboriginal women in recommending reforms to the dominant system, as well as in theorizing the causes and sites of intimate violence. Using feminist methods, I explore how the writings of Aboriginal women have begun to fill these gaps. In focusing on gender and racial oppression, Aboriginal women have complicated theories on and reforms around intimate violence, and have demanded that they be included in the shaping of public institutions in both the Canadian legal system, and in the context of Aboriginal self-government. While Aboriginal women largely support the creation of Aboriginal justice systems, some have expressed concerns about the willingness of Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal leaders to include women in the process of creating, implementing and operating such systems. The Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, as well as Aboriginal rights under the Constitution Act, 1982 have been advocated as means of achieving Aboriginal women's participation in this context. This gives rise to a number of fundamental questions which I examine in my thesis. What is the historical basis for the participation of Aboriginal women in the political process, and for survivors of violence in both the dominant and Aboriginal justice systems? What is the significance of the absence of Aboriginal women from dominant discourses on justice and intimate violence? Might a broader level of participation for survivors of violence, both Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal, ameliorate the problematic aspects of the dominant justice system? Does the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms provide a vehicle for survivors of violence who seek a greater level of protection and participation in the dominant justice system? Can the Charter, or Aboriginal rights under the Canadian constitution, assist Aboriginal women in establishing a right of participation in the processes leading to the creation of Aboriginal justice systems, and their participation in such systems once they have been created? What are the limitations of rights discourse in this context? My analysis suggests that the Supreme Court of Canada's conservative approach to rights, as well as more fundamental limitations in rights discourse, make constitutional litigation within the dominant system a sometimes necessary, but not ideal strategy for Aboriginal women in defining their involvement in the political and justice arenas. On the other hand, there is potential for rights discourse to bear more fruit once Aboriginal decision making fora are in place, in keeping with holistic approaches to interpretation, and the traditional roles of Aboriginal women and survivors of violence in justice and in the community. / Law, Peter A. Allard School of / Graduate

No description available.