This thesis addresses the problems related to the assessment of gender-based claims of persecution under the international definition of 'refugee'. The 1951 United Nations Convention Relating to the Status of Refugees does not list 'gender' as one of the persecution grounds that entitle a person to seek refuge. In attempting to solve this apparent dilemma, the 'membership of a particular social group' category was long considered to be the appropriate assessment framework. / While nowadays the other four enumerated Convention grounds---race, religion, nationality, and political opinion---have increasingly received regard, the approach to gender-based persecution has so far been neither systematic, nor consistent. Moreover, the most critical interpretative hurdles continue to arise in the context of the 'membership of a particular social group' category, / This study therefore examines the link between the two concepts of gender-based persecution and the 'membership of a particular social group' category. For this purpose, both concepts are first considered independently (Parts II and III). Following this, the larger part of the analysis is assigned to the examination of the international case law concerning gender-based claims (Part IV) which shall determine if and how gender-based persecution can appropriately be accommodated under the 'membership of a particular social group' category,

This research aimed to undertake an investigation into the question of whether after divorce, in the matrilineal customary law marriage in Malawi, women's rights are severely violated. The study showed causes of divorce, how proceedings are done, how issues of property are handled, how the issue of custody of children and maintenance are also handled. All this was weighed against the constitutional provisions and international law.

The basic research question this thesis addresses is how the secondary status of Bangladeshi women is reinforced through household labour. It is argued that gender relations and housework shape each other. To develop this, it examines the degree of participation of women in different areas of housework and family decisions. The thesis further explores whether the autonomy of women coming from the traditional Bangladeshi family set-up has increased as a result of their immigration to Canada and their exposure to Canadian family values. This is done by a comparison of the family experiences of Canadian and Bangladeshi women. Finally, it is suggested that age, position in the family and length of immigration are the indices of the autonomy of Bangladeshi women in Canada.

No abstract available.

This research aimed to undertake an investigation into the question of whether after divorce, in the matrilineal customary law marriage in Malawi, women's rights are severely violated. The study showed causes of divorce, how proceedings are done, how issues of property are handled, how the issue of custody of children and maintenance are also handled. All this was weighed against the constitutional provisions and international law.

This thesis makes a unique contribution in exploring the relationship between international legal commitments and women's poverty. Three normative arguments underpin this thesis. First, that poverty is a gender-based phenomenon. Second, that gender-based poverty is a obstacle to human rights. Third, if the promise of human rights is to be realised for all people it is necessary to move gender-based poverty into the realm of international human rights law. The ideal place to theorise on the relationship between human rights and gender-based poverty is CEDAW. Notwithstanding that CEDAW addresses civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights and negative cultural attitudes on women, there is no substantive provision in CEDAW requiring State to ameliorate gender-based poverty. The first part of my thesis argues that this gap can be overcome by an evolutionary interpretation of CEDAW. I make the argument, that equality and non-discrimination, two norms that permeate all of CEDAW, can be interpreted to incorporate the harms of gender-based poverty comprehensively into the treaty framework. I use public international law interpretative framework and the Committee's own work to demonstrate that the commitment to eliminating discrimination against women and achieving gender equality in CEDAW necessarily requires State to respect, protect and fulfill the human rights of women in poverty. The second part of thesis shifts to examine how this interpretation can be integrated into the work of the Committee. To ensure a coherent and comprehensive approach to gender-based poverty that is consistent with my proposed interpretation of CEDAW in I propose: (i) modifications to the State reporting guidelines and (ii) a comprehensive General Recommendation on women and poverty. This thesis lays the necessary theoretical and practical groundwork so that the Committee and other relevant national and international actors can hold States accountable for women in poverty's human rights.

Thesis (L.L.M.)--University of the Witwatersrand, Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, School of Law, 2014. / The non-consensual destruction of a nasciturus is a disturbing societal phenomenon that negatively permeates the lived realities of pregnant women with positive maternal intention. These women choose to experience a full term gestation and they choose to give birth to a live and healthy infant. At some point during their gestation they are non-consensually deprived of their choices through active third party violence by commission or passive third party negligence by omission. These women have no legal recourse for their loss, because in South African law, the non-consensual destruction of a nasciturus is not a crime. The nasciturus is not recognised as a victim separate from the pregnant woman despite the manner in which the pregnant woman freely chooses to interpret her pregnancy. The consensual destruction of a nasciturus enjoys legal protection in South African law by virtue of the provisions contained in the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act 92 of 1996. The choice to terminate a pregnancy is therefore legally recognised in South African law, whereas the choice to continue a pregnancy is not legally recognised. Argument is advanced in this dissertation for the legal recognition of the choice to continue a pregnancy by criminalising non-consensual nascitural destruction through the creation of a Choice on Continuation of Pregnancy Act. Non-Consensual nascitural destruction occurs as a result of violence against pregnant women as well as in situations of medical negligence. Empirical data is provided to demonstrate how non-consensual nascitural destruction can occur in medical settings where negligence is suspected. The inherent human need to safeguard and protect the nasciturus has been in existence since time immemorial. Despite this need, in South African law, legal subjectivity, and the ability to be recognised as a separate victim of crime, remain contingent upon a live birth. Evidence suggests that the requirement of live birth in law developed as an evidentiary mechanism and not as a substantive rule of law. Its relevance in circumstances of non-consensual nascitural destruction is doubtful at best. The law in South Africa has failed to take cognisance of the psychosomatic dimensions of personhood and argument is advanced in favour of a nuanced and constitutionally sensitive approach to matters of moral as well as legal personhood. Authentic female autonomy and reproductive freedom requires a re-evaluation of the paradigms that surround nascitural safeguarding and protection, and a transformative approach to constitutional interpretation. The establishment of a legislative scheme to criminalise the nonconsensual destruction of a nasciturus is proposed. Within this legislative scheme certain precautions and fortifications are suggested in order to avoid any potential erosion of the rights of pregnant women who have negative maternal intention. It is demonstrated that it is in fact possible for pregnant women with positive maternal intention and pregnant women with negative maternal intention to both enjoy legal protection without encroaching upon one another’s constitutional rights to reproductive freedom, bodily autonomy and privacy. It is contended that achieving the aforementioned is the final barrier to authentic female reproductive freedom in South Africa.

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