From the 1850s Glasgow was a major industrial, commercial and mercantile city, with notoriously poor working-class housing. During the 1915 Rent Strike many women physically resisted rent increases and prevented evictions from the tenements. The strikes ended when the Government passed the Rent Restrictions Act 1915, which returned rents to pre-war levels. This was in response to a political and working-class struggle that challenged the rule of law. Rather than focussing narrowly on the role of the women alone, or on the strike as inspiration for anti-capitalist resistance, the 2015 Centenary seemed opportune to examine why the Rent Strike was successful, its place in the longer struggle for decent housing, the role of the Independent Labour Party (ILP) and its leaders, and their collaborations with labour and women’s organisations. From the 1890s the ILP was central to labour’s campaign in elections and in fostering political collaboration with many groups representing labour. John Wheatley and Patrick Dollan, former miners, were leaders in strengthening the ILP organisation and its community relations. This collaborative structure supported the women leading the rent resistance in the tenements. It was also the platform for Wheatley and Dollan, nationally and municipally, to continue their life-long work to improve the housing and living standards of working people. Wheatley became Minister of Health in 1924 in Britain’s first Labour Government, and Dollan was Lord Provost in Glasgow’s first majority Labour Council in 1938. Glasgow’s systemic anti-Irish and anti-Catholic prejudice has, surprisingly, remained unexamined in relation to the Rent Strike. Two historians claimed, without presenting evidence, that bigotry was overcome or briefly transcended. The evidence reviewed here indicated that it did not go away, but that it had no impact on the Rent Strike as it simply offered no stimulus or opportunity to express the existing racist or religious prejudice. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA) / Glasgow, with notoriously poor working-class housing, was a major centre in 1915 for British engineering, munitions and shipbuilding industries during the First World War. Women who lived in Glasgow’s tenements organised rent strikes and physically resisted rent increases and evictions. They were supported by the Independent Labour Party and the collaborations it developed before and during the war with organisations representing the interests of women and labour. These strikes, the rent agitations in England, and the threat of industrial action in Glasgow, forced the Government to pass the Rent Restrictions Act 1915, which limited rents to pre-war levels. Two former miners, John Wheatley and Patrick Dollan, were leaders in organising this class victory. They recognised the Act’s limitations and then worked nationally and municipally in the longer struggle for better working-class housing. Glasgow’s systemic anti-Irish and anti-Catholic bigotry did not disappear but played no significant role during the Rent Strike.

Existing literature about women in positions of power and leadership is extensive and varied, including popular sectors such as finance, politics, and education. However, previous work has only focused on higher education and homogenized female leadership experience. One of the main issues in our knowledge of female leadership is the lack of diverse perspectives and experiences. This failure to recognize differences among women gives an inaccurate whole picture of how women lead within different contexts. Therefore, using the Ethics of Care as the guiding conceptual framework and social constructivism as its worldview, this narrative inquiry critically examined and concurrently discovered the lived experiences of four Trinidadian women of color who previously held a principal leadership position earlier in their lives. More specifically, the participants were retired primary and secondary school principals representing varying locations across the Caribbean island. Assuming the position of storyteller, participants narrated their approach to leading as storied descriptions of their lived experiences to the researcher. The findings of this study support existing literature on gender inequality female leaders often confront in their workplace and the emotional labor they engage in. The findings also indicated that participants tended to practice transformative leadership. Most importantly, the findings also highlighted existing class-based bias related to colonialism and patriarchal norms. This study contributes to the overall understanding of leadership experiences of Caribbean women of color and adds to the limited literature on this topic within the Caribbean region. Lastly, the findings of this study can support further extensive research on this group of leaders and perhaps inform policies and practices of the Ministry of Education of the Republic of Trinidad and Tobago / Graduate