The transatlantic relations have been on a bumpy ride in recent years with disagreements over issues ranging from the Iraq war to the Kyoto Treaty, the arms embargo on China, and the International Criminal Court. Polemics on "hard" versus "soft" security solutions and "power versus burden sharing" oppose the U.S. option for unilateral action to EU's multilateral cooperation approach. The parallel enlargement processes in NATO and the EU had a profound impact on one another, given that they both reach the heart of some fundamental questions, ranging from trade liberalization and globalization to the nature of security in 21st century Europe. In the new political-economic architecture of Europe, complementarily dimensions of security and economy objectives gave way to new tensions between the two shores of the Atlantic. These matters, however, are only a small part of an otherwise well functioning partnership. The optimal solution is to reach a compromise between the talk of preeminence and unilateralism by the U.S. and the greater willingness by the EU to step up and share the burden.

Current European-U.S. transatlantic relations represent the heritage of a large number of international alliances and institutions that were founded at a time when there was a bipolar world, a world dominated by the United States and the Soviet Union. Today fourteen years after the end of the Cold War, some national leaders question the continued viability of these international alliances and institutions. In their references to international relations, realist and liberal theorists reflect significant ideological differences, which have considerable influence on transatlantic relations. This thesis considers a central question pertaining to the future of transatlantic relations between Europe and the United States: Will the presence, or absence, of an external threat to the countries involved be the deciding factor in their willingness to cooperate in security alliances? It is a significant question, and investigating it provides a better understanding of future uses of alliances and their role in world politics. Recently, two specific historical occurrences decisively modified the security landscape worldwide: the end of the Cold War 1991 and almost two decades of violent, deadly acts of international terrorism. Since the breakdown of the Warsaw Pact 1991 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, which made former satellite states suddenly independent, numerous eastern European countries have applied for membership in NATO and the European Union. At the same time, organizations such as, especially, the EU and NATO, have had to deal with the competitive and often contradictory interests of member states. This thesis will focus with emphasis on France, Germany, and United States because the differences in their positions inside NATO are most significant.

published_or_final_version / Political Science / Doctoral / Doctor of Philosophy

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis examines what it means to be a rogue state in a world in which the international order is increasingly becoming interdependent. The last two U.S. administrations as well as the other major powers The Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK) has been labeled by as a pariah state exhibiting rogue behavior. This thesis analyzes the varied and competing views of the international order and measures how North Korea does or does not fit the parameters of what it means to be a normal state. Since its creation in 1948, North Korea has pursued policies of limited engagement heavily influenced by an ideology that markedly contradicts the commonly accepted values and principles of the majority of the states in the international system. After the Cold War, the DPRK has further alienated the other players in the system with continued proliferation attempts as well as brinkmanship negotiating behavior. In order for the current Six Party Talks to be successful, the major powers involved need to understand the perspective with which north Korea views the international order. / First Lieutenant, United States Air Force

Hizb ut-Tahrir is a transnational Islamic fundamentalist group that operates in more than forty countries with main emphasis in Europe, the Middle East, and Asia. The group claims to be a political party that proceeds with non-violent means and its ideology being Islam. Its objectives are strictly political, and its main goal is to topple an existing regime to resurrect the caliphate with structures and conditions similar to the ones of early seventh-century (C.E.) Islam. The proposed Islamic state will be responsible for transforming societies in a united Ummah, and for spreading the word of Islam throughout the world. Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT) rejects the modern, secular state structures and democracy as something "man-made," humanly derived and "un-Islamic," and therefore, does not participate in any secular electoral process. However, HT does not reject modern technology and its advantages. This research will focus on Hizb ut-Tahrir, its objectives, and its preferences as the group adjust its strategies according to the political environment in which it is embedded. The thesis will investigate how HT often uses a legal framework to spread its Islamist ideology and how this multifaceted phenomenon is context specific. The conclusion will address policy recommendations that reflect area- and context-related specifics with a special focus on the group's major threat--its ideology. / German Navy author.

The most recent wave of Islamic revivalism began in the second half of the twentieth century as a nonviolent movement of expressing ideological differences and discontent with the political, economic, and social condition among Muslims and inspired a reformation of the Muslim identity. Today, contemporary radical Islam, with militancy and terrorist tactics as its cornerstone, has all but overshadowed the call for a nonviolent struggle and has permeated several internal conflicts across the globe. The Muslim separatist movement in the southern Philippines is one such conflict. Following decades of discontent and sporadic violence, armed conflict broke out in late 1972 when the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) launched coordinated attacks against the government. Following a failed peace agreement in 1976, divisions began to form within the MNLF and in 1984 the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) was established. The MILF, as the name indicates, placed more emphasis on Islam. In 1991, the radical Abu Sayyaf group (ASG) broke off from the MNLF claiming as its main purpose the establishment of an Islamic state. By the mid-1990s, what had originated as a nationalistic struggle advocating the concept of the â Moroâ identity, had evolved and produced two increasingly radical groups. After conducting a diachronic comparative analysis, this thesis concludes contemporary radical Islam in the southern Philippines is a fusion of both traditionalism and globalization. Furthermore, the causal factors evolved with respect to each groupâ s ideology, objectives, and tactics. Whereas the MILF was more representative of the legacy of traditional Islam, the ASG was much more a product of globalization.

No description available.

Thesis--Tübingen. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 270-296).

No description available.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Europe, Eurasia))--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2008. / Thesis Advisor(s): Abenheim, Donald. "June 2008." Description based on title screen as viewed on August 25, 2008. Includes bibliographical references (p. 105-113). Also available in print.