Project (D. Miss.)--Trinity Evangelical Divinity School, 1984. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 145-150).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1971. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Mini-thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the degree B.A. Honours in the History at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1998. / This paper seeks specifically to analyse the history of the people who were forcibly removed from the present day Richards Bay (previously called Mhlathuze Lagoon.) to the arid land of Ntambanana. The Paper will concentrate on the experience endured by these people' during this unfortunate episode. The experience entailed difficulties, deaths, hunger, resistance and even in some cases willingness or happiness, homelessness etc. It is also interesting to indicate that the Group Areas Act, which strongly manifested itself through force removal was forcefully implemented in moving the original inhabitants of Richards Bay.

A dissertation submitted to the Fafulty of Arts in the fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, [1996]. / Every nation has its own heroes that form part of its history- The history of the blacks, the Zulus in particular, is characterized by heroism, but very little is nowadays known about our heroes. The photo and the name of Prince TTiimuni appears in many books, but merely as an example of the traditional attire used by the hero warrior of AmaZuiu. No researcher has taken pains to trace the history of such a remarkable figure in the Zulu history. Thimuni belonged to Zimpohlo regiment of inkosi Shaka Zulu. He helped Shaka in building a strong Zulu nation by defeating different izizwe. Before the end of the Battle of Ndondakusuka, he crossed Thukela river into the British colony of Natal. Thimuni and his brother Sigwefoana supported Mbuyazi instead of Cetshwayo. Sigwebana died in the battle and Thimuni took over his wives, resulting in the birth of Chakijana and Lokoza. Ndlovu became the son of Thimuni's own first wife, Mkhomoto. The defeat of Mbuyazi resulted in strained relationship between Thimuni and the Zulu royal house. When Thimuni reached Maphumuio, inkosi Mkhonto Ntult gave him part of his area where he became inkosi. Thimuni's sons, Ndlovu and Chakijana disputed the heirship and Thimuni separated them. Chakijana was told to go and occupy Mvoti area as inkosi. Both Thimuni's sons used the name Nodunga for their districts and that was in honour of their grandfather, Mudli, whose umuzi was Nodunga. When the Bhambatha uprising broke out, Ndlovu and Chakijana sided with AmaZulu against the British government. That brought about reconciliation between them and the Zulu Royal House so that their sons Mbango and Piti communicated freely with the Zulu Royal House. Mbango's son, Manukanuka, was evicted in 1972 from his land by the South African government, the reason being that he communicated secreteiy with the British government against the loss of his land to Whites and Indians. The South African government sold Manukanuka's land for the part played by Chakijana in the Bhambatha uprising. Ubukhosi of Ndlovu's Nodunga No. 7 was only disturbed for a short period when Ndlovu was imprisoned. It was put under the Ngubane people under the chieftainship of Sibindi Ngubane of Mabomvini isizwe who made his brother, Mmeleli to be chief of Nodunga isizwe. However, when Ndiovu came back from exile ubukhosi was restored to him and his descendants.

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of Music at the University of Zululand, 2005. / This document on umaskandi is about a vocal musical style that was created and nurtured by the Zulu people. Externally and, at a distance, the style may not appear to be artistically captivating, praiseworthy, and linguistically significant. It is but only on closer scrutiny that the aesthetic worth of the music can be realized. Even then, without a considerable research into a sizeable amount of the people's arts in relation to their life activities, a casual listener may not identify any worthiness in the practice of umaskandi music. This is generally the case with all the music of Africa. The music is contained in the life activities of the people. Having discovered the entertaining element in the music, a serious listener will still be faced with the greater challenges of fathoming the organization of sound, the significance of the libretto and the physical execution, in relation to the lifestyles of the performers. The sound of the music, the observed rhythmic activity of the performers, and the language of the libretto and its elocution are only the surface of the activity. There is still, but, more signification in the unsaid source of the music. The reason for the neglect of this music style by Western cultures and by some modern local indigenous Africans, was not a mere oversight, but a result of stigmatization of all African arts by Europeans, whose intention was to dominate the whole of Africa. They would not succeed in managing the people dictatorially without destroying the latter's culture- For some time, therefore, because of such pressures and the demands of the culture of cities, and missionary education, the Westerners were able to 'convert' some Africans against their own (African) culture. Such attempts to 'Europeanize' Africans took place wherever there were European settlers on African soil. But, because of the breadth of the continent, they could not cover the whole surface of the country. Even amongst those that were reached, like the Zulus, there were always people who were not willing to abandon their indigenous heritage. Many were unbending and insisted on maintaining their traditional arts and cultures. It was from such a cultural attitude and disposition that umaskandi idiom was born. The coming in of democratic rule in South Africa has, however, restored the dignity of every human culture in the country. Therefore, all nationalities are free to practise their various cultures with firmness and self-assurance. This attitude lent more confidence to those that performed umaskandi music. It took some time before 'sophisticated' Africans could appreciate the sound and movement in performance of umaskandi performance style. The other nationalities took a little longer. Up to this day, those that have not been orientated in the language of the performers have not grasped the essence in umaskandi music, because of the social contextual nature of the music. Should a form of prejudice against indigenous African languages be sustained, ignorance about the life and thought patterns of Africans shall grow. This will be a drawback for the South African people as a whole. This phenomenon is worthy of mention because the propagation of isiZulu is getting threatened in many ways. First: There is a big population of Zulu and non-Zulu learners that do not receive tuition of their vernacular because some school managers are negative towards African languages. Secondly: Umaskandi musicians, who are the custodians of isiZulu language and culture, and other Zulu artistes, shall never be comprehended if the language is ignored. So, for those unfortunate learners who do not have isiZulu in their curriculum, the doors are closed on both sides. Since they are not given tuition in the classroom, they are most likely to develop a negative attitude towards the language, which would be a great disaster. In their schooling career, they will also miss the further * education through music' that is provided by Zulu music practitioners at large. Umaskandi musicians, who are speakers of isiZulu language, are in their own way, keepers and propagators of isiZulu culture. Their instruments are tuned in isiZulu style, which is their own instrumental creation bashed on their singing style. Their libretto is in isiZulu. They are historians of isiZulu life and its relevant culture of yesteryear. This will be missed. Umaskandi concept, which embraces the isiZulu instrumental tuning, isiZulu manner of dancing, isiZulu vocal harmony and isiZulu elocution of izibongo (praise poetry) , originated in the indigenous lives of the Zulu people. These people were so solid in their belief and practice that they clang tenaciously onto their culture even when they were exposed to a conglomeration of foreign cultures in the horrible mining environment. Umaskandi concept, therefore, had an effect on the people's behaviour. When the African indigenous people came across the new musical instrumentation at their disposal, they adapted the latter and used them to become an extension of their vocal styles. When conditions in the mines were depressing, degrading and debasing, they painfully sang of the good life that they had left behind in their indigenous homes. Through this umaskandi style, they have, therefore, been able to relate a people's history. The final question in the last chapter is whether umaskandi concept can be a method of education in the performance of instruments just as tonic solfa is a method of vocal music. The question can be extended further to inquire whether umaskandi concept can be a method of moral and cul tural determination and perseverance as it has been the case with Zulu musicians.

Submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree B.A. Honours in the Department of African Languages at the University of Zululand, South Africa, 1997. / Lolu cwaningo luhlose ukuvusa ugqozi lokufuya kubantu. Esikhathini eside abantu balahle amasiko abo , balibala amasiko ezinye izizwe. Lolu cwaningo luhlose ukuqwashisa iSintu ukuthi, yize sesingasazi ukuthi kumele sibhekephi, nokho lisekhona ithemba nekhambi elingenziwa. Uma nje besingaba nesineke, sivume ukuqalaza emuva, nokho bezingabuya emasisweni . Lolu cwaningo luzoveza ngokusobala bha ukuthi kwakukhonjwa ngophakathi kwelokhokho. Kuzovela yonke in::okozo yasekhaya ngaphandle kokuwa uvuka , uqhathanisa onsumbulwana. Ingani phela uphokophele ukuthola ukudla okwakha umzimba, njengobisi , amasi nokunye. Lolu cwa.'1ingo luzoveza ukubambisana komndeni ekumiseni insika yawo isibaya. Lolu cwaningo luzoveza isidingo sesibaya emzini womnumzane .

Submitted to the Faculty of Education in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Master of Education in the Department of History of Education and Comparative Education at the University of Zululand, 1975. / The investigator had noted that performance of secondary pupils, especially in standard 10, had not risen to expectations despite the application of measures such as supervision, inspection, guidance, in-service training, circulars and distance training of teachers. It became clear to the researcher that factors within society in relation to achievement of secondary school pupils should be researched so as to form a basis on which measures at guidance, pupil assistance, instruction, teaching and supervision can be carried out. 2. METHOD OF INVESTIGATION For the present study two research instruments were mainly used; namely, literature review and an empirical field investigation. There were five distinct samples to which questionnaires and interviews were administered. In order to reveal home background factors that influence scholastic achievement of secondary school pupils, a questionnaire was administered to 399 standard 7 secondary school pupils. Questionnaires were also administered to principals and standard 7 class teachers. Interviews were administered to 28 school committee members and 5 circuit managers in order to collect additional data on factors that influence secondary school pupils* scholastic achievement. Data were collected from all the subjects during the empirical study, tabulated, and duly discussed. Percentages were mainly used to analyse the pupils* responses whilst statistical methods such as means, weighted means, variance and standard deviation, apart from percentages, were employed in the analysis of data from the school committee members, teachers, principals and inspectors' responses respectively.

A dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Arts, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy / This dissertation sets out to trace the political history of part of what is now Natal in the period from the third quarter of the 18th century to the late 1820s. After briefly describing the nature of political organization in the region at the beginning of the period, it explains how, in the later 18th century, several large paramountcies emerged among the small-scale chiefdoms which had previously been in exclusive occupation of the area. It traces continuities between the conflicts which brought about the formation of these larger polities and the upheavals which, in the later 1810s and early 1820s, totally transformed the region's political landscape. It argues that the concept of the mfecane, which portrays these upheavals as a product of the violent expansion of the Zulu state, is based on colonial-made myths and is devoid of analytical usefulness. It shows that A.T. Bryant's supposedly authoritative account of the period of the upheavals is very largely plagiarized from two minor publications produced long before by Theophilus Shepstone. It goes on to propose an alternative account which demonstrates that the.Zulu state was simply one among a number of important political actors in the ThukelaMzimkhulu territories in the 1810s and 1820s. Though the Zulu were eventually able to establish domination of the region, they did not 'devastate' it, as conventionally they are supposed to have done, and were unable effectively to occupy more than a small part of it. The Zulu were still in the process of establishing a hold on the region when, in the mid-1820S, its political dynamics began to be transformed by the increasing involvement of British traders from Port Natal in the affairs of the Zulu state. By the end of the 1820s, cape-based commercial and political interests were beginning to contest Zulu hegemony in the region south of the Thukela, and a new era in its history was opening. / AC2017

M.A. (African Languages) / Please refer to full text to view abstract

Thesis (Ph. D.(NT)--University of Pretoria, 2000. / Includes bibliographical references.