Thesis (MPhil (Political Science))--University 2010. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation’s primary focus is why torture is used when torture is not an effective means
of gathering intelligence. To answer this question the argument for the use of torture,
commonly known as the ticking time bomb argument, is discussed. Due to psychological and
physiological processes during torture interrogation it was found that torture cannot be relied
upon to deliver truthful information. Torture was also found to adversely affect the
institutions that are needed for its establishment.
After torture has been found to be of no utility in terms of the appropriation of information the
question of why torture is still used is answered by means of discussing societal dynamics as
well as the political process surrounding torture. On the societal front it was found that
American public opinion towards torture is ambivalent. The reason for this includes a host of
socio-psychological factors such as the in-group out-group bias as well the War on Terror as
a political ideology in its own right. The notion that anybody is likely to torture is also
explored by means of discussing the Milgram’s Obedience Experiment as well as the Stanford
Prison Experiment.
On the political front the notion that the abuses at Abu Ghraib and Guantanamo Bay were the
work of a few bad apples is dispelled since it formed part of a deliberative political process
that tried to make torture a legitimate foreign policy measure. The reason for the existence of
this process is the failure of international and domestic checks and balances. On the
international front U.S. unilateralism as foreign policy principle is cited as the reason for the
ineffectiveness of international measures to stop torture. On the domestic front the permanent
rally around the flag effect due to the permanent state of mobilization in the War on Terror is
cited as the reason for the failure of domestic checks and balances.
The lessons learnt from the research enables the creation of measures on how to stop torture
even when it is found that the necessary political will is not present within the Obama
administration. In the absence of political will it must be manufactured by means of the
actions of civil society, the free press and the international community. It was found that the
most effective means would be the creation of a committee of inquiry to create the political
memory of the use of torture and how it was established. Additionally a memorial must be
erected as well seeing that inquiries create political memories but they do not sustain it. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis se fokus is om na te vors waarom marteling gebruik word as dit nie ‘n effektiewe
wyse is om inligting in te win nie. Om hierdie vraagstuk te beantwoord word die argument vir
die gebruik van marteling naamlik die tikkende-tydbom-argument bespreek. Asgevolg van
sielkundige en fisiologiese prosesse tydens ondervragings wat gebruik maak van marteling
kan daar nie op marteling staatgemaak word om die waarheid op te lewer nie. Dit was ook
bevind dat marteling die instansies, wat nodig is vir die gebruik daarvan, op ‘n negatiewe
wyse beïnvloed.
Nadat daar vasgestel is dat marteling geen nutswaarde aangaande die inwinning van
informasie bied nie word die vraagstuk waarom marteling steeds gebruik word beantwoord.
Op die samelewingsvlak kan daar gestel word dat die Amerikaanse samelewing onseker is oor
of marteling gebruik moet word al dan nie. Verskeie redes vir hierdie opinie word aangevoer
waarvan die in-group out-group bias en die Oorlog teen Terreur as politieke ideologie slegs
twee daarvan uitmaak. Dat enige persoon in staat is tot marteling onder die regte stel
omstandighede word ook bespreek na aanleiding van die Milgram’s Obedience Experiement
en die Stanford Prison Experiment.
Op die politiese vlak is daar vasgestel dat die menseregteskendings in Abu Ghraib en
Guantanamo Bay nie die werk was van slegs `n paar indiwidue was nie, maar deel uitmaak
van ‘n doelbewuste politiese proses wat marteling as ‘n legitieme buitelandse beleidskwessie
wil afmaak. Die rede waarom die beleidsproses bestaan kan toegeskryf word aan die
mislukking van inter- en intranasionale wigte en teenwigte. Op die internasionale vlak kan
daar gestel word dat die Verenigde State se unilateralistiese modus operandi die rede is vir die
mislukking van internasionale maatreëls teen marteling. Op die intranasionale front kan daar
gestel word dat die Amerikaanse publiek verkeer in ‘n permanent rally around the flagtoestand
asgevolg van die permanent mobilisasie in die Oorlog teen Terreur.
Uit die lesse wat geleer is uit die navorsing kan daadwerklike stappe gedoen word om die
gebruik van marteling stop te sit alhoewel die Obama-administrasie se politiese wil ontbreek.
Met die tekort aan politiese wil moet die politiese wil geskep word deur die burgerlik
samelewing, the vrye pers asook die internasionale gemeenskap. Daar was gevind dat die
mees effektiewe wyse om marteling stop te sit sal deurmiddel van ‘n kommissie van
ondersoek wees. Die kommissie se doel sal wees om te bepaal hoe marteling tot stand gekom
het en ‘n politiese herinnering te skep. Daar moet ook ‘n bykomende maatreël wees, naamlik
die oprigting van ‘n monument aangesien kommissies van ondersoek politiese herinneringe
skep maar nie in stand hou nie.
| Identifer | oai:union.ndltd.org:netd.ac.za/oai:union.ndltd.org:sun/oai:scholar.sun.ac.za:10019.1/4284 |
| Date | 03 1900 |
| Creators | Hough, Gys |
| Contributors | Swart, Gerrie, University of Stellenbosch. Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences. Dept. of Political Science. |
| Publisher | Stellenbosch : University of Stellenbosch |
| Source Sets | South African National ETD Portal |
| Language | English |
| Detected Language | English |
| Type | Thesis |
| Format | x, 95 p. |
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