Thesis (MMil)--Stellenbosch University, 2006. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The use of military force to suppress internal unrest has been an integral part of South African
history. The European colonisation of South Africa from 1652 was facilitated by the use of force.
Boer commandos and British military regiments and volunteer units enforced the peace in outlying
areas and fought against the indigenous population as did other colonial powers such as France in
North Africa and Germany in German South West Africa, to name but a few. The period 1912 to
1945 is no exception, but with the difference that military force was used to suppress uprisings of
white citizens as well. White industrial workers experienced this military suppression in 1907,
1913, 1914 and 1922 when they went on strike. Job insecurity and wages were the main causes
of the strikes and militant actions from the strikers forced the government to use military force
when the police failed to maintain law and order. Public reaction to the use of force was strong
and the government, particularly Gen. J.C. Smuts, was severely criticised resulting in a defeat in
the 1924 election. Over the period 1921 to 1932 indigenous populations in South Africa and South
West Africa such as the Israelites (1921), the Bondelswarts (1922), the Rehoboth Basters (1925)
and the Ukuambi (1932), were suppressed through punitive expeditions by the police and military
forces of the Union of South Africa. The indigenous populations were a.o. grieved by the
government’s implementation of branding laws, enforced indentured labour, dog and hut tax. The
government’s prevailing racial policy of that time, manifested in a master and servant attitude
towards the indigenous populations, exacerbated an existing grievance of restrictive political rights.
The government reacted quickly and economically in suppressing any indigenous population’s
protests involving militant action. Although the use of aeroplanes was criticised, it was a force
multiplier and greatly assisted the small number of police and military forces deployed in
minimising casualties on both sides. The government also had to suppress militant Afrikaner
uprisings during the First and Second World Wars. In 1914 and 1915, prominent Afrikaner leaders
and veterans of the Anglo-Boer War reacted militantly against the government’s participation in the
First World War. Gen. L. Botha and Gen. Smuts were the architects of their suppression through
quick mobilisation of the Active Citizen Force, using mostly Afrikaans speaking volunteers. The
period between the two world wars saw the growth of the Afrikaners on a political, social and
limited economical level. This gave rise to further dispute on political and social levels when the
government once again opted to fight alongside Britain in the Second World War. Old animosities
between the Afrikaners and British were relived and militant elements within Afrikaner society
mobilised to impede this participation. The government resorted to using the Union Defence
Forces and SA Police to facilitate internment, for spying and to guard strategic objectives in an
effort to prevent sabotage and other serious damage to the war effort. Smuts received severe
criticism from mostly Afrikaners who were against participation in the war, and the general public
who had to suffer under the conditions of martial law. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die gebruik van militêre mag in die onderdrukking van interne onrus is ‘n algemene verskynsel in
die geskiedenis van Suid-Afrika. Sedert 1652 het die Europese koloniale besetting van Suid-Afrika
gepaard gegaan met geweld. Boerekommando’s en Britse militêre regimente en
vrywilligereenhede het die vrede in verafgeleë gebiede gehandhaaf en die plaaslike bevolkings
onderwerp, net soos ander koloniale moondhede, byvoorbeeld, Frankryk in Noord-Afrika en
Duitsland in Duits-Suidwes-Afrika gedoen het. Die periode van 1912 tot 1945 was geen
uitsondering nie, maar met die verskil dat opstande ook onder die blanke bevolking onderdruk is.
In 1907, 1913, 1914 en 1922 het die blanke industriële werkers sodanige onderdrukking ervaar.
Werksonsekerheid en loongeskille was die dryfkrag agter die stakings en die stakers se militante
optrede het die regering gedwing om militêre mag te gebruik om die opstande te onderdruk, nadat
die polisie se pogings om wet en orde te handhaaf, misluk het. Die publiek was sterk gekant teen
sulke hardhandige optrede en Genl. J.C. Smuts het veral onder kritiek deurgeloop, wat tot sy
politieke nederlaag gelei het. Opstandige inheemse bevolkings in Suid-Afrika en Suidwes-Afrika
soos die Israeliete (1921), die Bondelswarts (1922), die Rehoboth Basters (1925) en die Ukuambi
(1932) het deurgeloop onder strafekspidisies van elemente van die Unie van Suid-Afrika se polisie
en weermag. Die inheemse bevolking is gegrief deur die regering se implimentering van
brandmerkwette, geforseerde kontrakarbeid, hut- en hondebelasting. Die regering se rassebeleid
van die tyd het ‘n meester-en-onderdaan-houding teenoor die inheemse bevolkings geskep, wat
die teer kwessie van beperkte politieke regte vererger het. Opstande deur inheemse bevolkings
wat militant van aard was, is op ‘n vinnige en ekonomiese manier onderdruk, dog het skerp kritiek
uitgelok. Die benutting van vliegtuie om die opstande te onderdruk was ‘n magsvermenigvuldiger
wat die klein polisie- en weermag gehelp het om verliese tydens die onderdukking van opstande
aan beide kante te beperk. Die regering het ook opstande van Afrikanergroepe tydens die Eerste
en Tweede Wêreldoorlog onderdruk. In 1914-1915 het prominente Afrikanerleiers en veterane van
die Anglo-Boereoorlog militant opgeruk teen die regering in verset oor die regering se deelname
aan die Eerste Wêreldoorlog. Genl. L. Botha en Genl. Smuts was die argitekte van die vinnige
onderdrukking van die opstande deur die Aktiewe Burgermag op te roep en hoofsaaklik
Afrikaanssprekende vrywilligers te gebruik. Die periode tussen die twee Wêreldoorloë is
gekenmerk deur die groei van die Afrikaner op politieke, sosiale en in ‘n beperkte mate, ook
ekonomiese gebied. Hieruit het verdere onenigheid op politieke en sosiale vlak onstaan toe die
regering weer besluit het aand die kant van Brittanje tot die Tweede Wêreldoorlog toe te tree. Ou
vyandighede tussen Afrikaans- en Engelssprekendes het herleef en militante elemente binne die
Afrikanersamelewing het gemobiliseer om die deelname te belemmer. Die regering het die
Unieverdedigingsmag en die SA Polisie gebruik vir internering, spioenering en die beveiliging van
strategiese doelwitte teen sabotasie en ander aktiwiteite wat die oorlogsdeelname sou belemmer.
Smuts het die meeste kritiek ontvang van Afrikaners wat gekant was teen die oorlog, asook die
publiek in die algemeen wat gebuk gegaan het onder krygswet.
| Identifer | oai:union.ndltd.org:netd.ac.za/oai:union.ndltd.org:sun/oai:scholar.sun.ac.za:10019.1/17352 |
| Date | 12 1900 |
| Creators | Fokkens, Andries Marius |
| Contributors | Visser, G. E., Visser, W. P., Stellenbosch University. Faculty of Military Sciences. School for Security and Africa Studies. Military History. |
| Publisher | Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University |
| Source Sets | South African National ETD Portal |
| Language | en_ZA |
| Detected Language | English |
| Type | Thesis |
| Format | xv, 144 leaves : ill. |
| Rights | Stellenbosch University |
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