This thesis presents a comparative study between two reforming movements emanating from the Aryan (Indo-Iranian) tradition: Early Zarathushtrianism and Early Buddhism. Although this thesis establishes the common origin of Zarathushtrianism and Buddhism, the principal purpose of this research is to demonstrate the social commitment of the two movements. / Zarathyshtra and the Buddha are discerned in this discussion as reformers struggling against the religious institutions (worshipped gods and observed rites) and the social system of their time as the latter represented exclusively the aspirations of the dominating knightly or priestly classes. / This treatise is primarily interested in the social message conveyed by Zarathushtra's and the Buddha's "religious" discourses. It aims to establish their statements as one supporting the emancipation of the classes who secured the economic prosperity of their society. / Finally, as regards the outline of this thesis, the first two sections are preliminary chapters dedicated to separate studies of Zarathushtrianism and Buddhism. They pave the way for the comparative study between the two Aryan movements recorded in the last chapter.

This dissertation consists of a novel, The Buddha on Page 13 and a dissertation of limited extent, "Buddhist symbolism and metaphoric, and the perception of sin, guilt and punishment in The Buddha on Page 13." In the dissertation of limited extent the role that guilt plays in the motivation of an individual's actions is investigated. The Christian and Buddhist views of sin are compared, and the conclusion is made that neither Christianity nor Buddhism can explain why mankind experiences the feeling of guilt. The central character, Toit Brink, finally accepts this "so-ness" of things: "thathatha". The dissertation explains how the style of the text wishes to be neutral, and how this neutrality is harnessed for Buddhist reasons. The Buddhist element in the novel's symbolism and metaphoric is illuminated, as well as the apparent contradiction of some of the metaphors. / Afrikaans and Theory of Literature / M.A. (Afrikaans)

This paper examines the Buddhist ritual Wesak---commemoration of the birth, enlightenment, and death (or parinibbana) of the Buddha---and its social function in creating Buddhist identity. A socio-historical survey of early Wesak rituals and case studies of Sri Lanka and North America provide examples of the development of Wesak as a ritual. This socio-political interpretation of Wesak reflects the consolidating nature of ritual through its interactions with other political and religious systems, and offers a glimpse into the emerging ecumenical form of Buddhism in North America.

金山寺位於江蘇省鎮江市，這座今天依然著名的佛寺最初是當地祭拜水神蛇仙的場所。從公元820年代開始，金山佛寺出現，寺內拜佛的活動逐漸成為主流。這個民間拜蛇的場所，逐漸開始拜佛，這個轉變是中唐之後鎮江地區一系列社會變化的結果，闡述這些社會改變，便能大致揭示出鎮江納入王朝行政體系具體過程。 / 金山寺所在的金山，在唐代是一個方圓到一公里的岩石島嶼。這裡祭祀水神蛇仙的記錄，最早可以追述至南朝。在這裡接受祭祀的水神蛇仙中，以白蛇為首位。從隋朝開始，隨著胡商在長江下游經營活動逐漸增加，金山小島上所祭祀的水神，同時融匯了江南本土水神蛇仙信仰和在華胡商的女神信仰兩方面的祭拜傳統。這種不同文化、不同祭祀傳統的融合，是通過商稅逐漸成為中唐王朝的主要經濟來源而逐步形成的。 / 隨著唐玄宗初步確立的運河溝通南北的格局，運河於安史之亂後成為唐帝國的生命線，這一點令位於長江水道與運河水道相交匯的鎮江，以其經濟意義而成為王朝勢力的必爭之地。鎮江的地方官職（唐時稱潤州刺史）也從一個王朝官員畏懼的「凶闕」而一躍成為「望」職，常由宰相兼領。 / 鎮江經濟地位的提升以及朝廷重臣的駐守，令王朝的行政體系高調出現在鎮江，並且引發了朝廷與地方勢力之爭。恰在此時，唐王朝的鹽政令朝廷成功獲得商人以及地方權貴的支持，北方朝廷與鎮江地方社會的衝突，在商人和權貴的介入下，得到了緩和。鎮江社會的結構出現了改變，編戶數量大增。 / 隨著社會結構的轉變，王朝重臣同時成功地將王朝的文化成功地帶到了鎮江。從公元820年代開始，文化在鎮江出現的轉變，對於民間對於王朝的認同來說，是決定性的一步。鎮江的金山寺，不僅通過這種文化認同而被描述成佛寺，並且更成為當地代表北方文化的一個傳播中心。 / 從此之後，金山寺便開始被官員和文人稱為“佛寺。雖然如此，金山島上的水神並沒有消失。這位號稱是白蛇的神靈，以其融匯在華胡商女性水神信仰而由老叟變成美婦。水神祭祀和對佛教的禮拜，在晚唐五代的金山寺中並行不悖，其表現形式，則是以佛教傳統為主導、水神祭祀為輔。晚唐金山寺逐漸成為遠近聞名的佛寺，從這個時候開始，鎮江便完成了其由化外之邦至化內之地的轉變。 / Monastery Jinshan locates in Zhenjiang today. Though it is famous for its Buddhist rituals since 11th century, the monastery was originally a sacred palace for preying Water Gods of Snakes. Since the palace was first being addressed as “Buddhist monastery in mid 820s, the Buddhist tradition was recorded as the dominant one. The conversion from local serpent cult to state Buddhist Religion resulted from a mix of social transformations in Zhenjiang. Therefore, the converting process revealed the process of the place getting incorporated into the state during the transformation period of late Tang Dynasty (AD 618-903). / During Tang Dynasty, Monastery Jinshan sat on a small rocky island in the middle of lower range of Yangzi River. The earliest record of serpent cult in the island could be traced back to late fourth century. Snake White led the pantheons of water gods in Zhenjiang, and the serpent cult in Zhenjing witnessed a profound transformation because of the foreign merchants who traveled around the lower range of Yangzi River in Sui and Tang Dynasties (AD 581-907). The foreign merchants of the time profiled their Water Gods as twin females with impressively young faces. Though Chinese tradition imaged the Snake White as an old man in white suits, the convergence of the two distinct traditions ended up with a popularity of a beautiful Chinese lady of Madam Snake White whom was escorted by the other beautiful maid of Snake Blue. The mixing of the two different traditions revealed the increasingly influential economic status of merchants, especially the foreign traders, after Mid Tang Dynasty. / With the economic importance of merchants was escalating, the canal system also started to work regularly during the final 1.5 centuries in Tang. The canal system physically linked Capital Chang’an with Zhenjiang (addressed as “Runzhou City in Tang) which was the waterway conjunction of Yangzi River and the Great Canal. Since 9th century, the waterway conjunction shed off the negative image of a remote and perilous area and became one of the leading places in the empire. Zhenjiang was then governed directly by the prime ministers during late Tang Dynasty. / The arrival of the prime ministers in Zhenjiang was accompanied with the high-profiled introduction of state administration here, which aroused the confrontation and conflicts between the state and the local. The confrontation was pacified by the newly-established salt policy during the first half of the 9th century. The salt policy ensured the court to gain the support from the local strongmen and merchants. / The cooperation of local strongmen in Zhenjiang made it possible for the state to nurture the cultural environment that appreciated the leadership of Chang’an. The cultural transformation in Zhenjiang started with the establishment of Monastery Jinshan, and the monastery became the venue of demonstrating the cultural trend in the state. / Though Monastery Jinshan was shaped as a local authority of Buddhism, the serpent cult died hard in the island. Both Buddha and Snake White were prayed in the Jinshan, with Buddha as the higher god. The authority of Monastery Jinshan was finally constituted in 870s, indication the finalization of the incorporation. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 陳越溪. / "2012年6月". / "2012 nian 6 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-125). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract in Chinese and English. / Chen Yuexi. / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 來自金山的“江心鏡 --- p.12 / Chapter 1、 --- 來自鎮江的進奉 --- p.12 / Chapter 2、 --- 唐代的五月初五 --- p.19 / Chapter 第三章 --- 祭祀中心與藥市 --- p.24 / Chapter 1、 --- 金山是水神祭祀中心 --- p.24 / Chapter 2、 --- 鎮江的藥市 --- p.31 / Chapter 第四章 --- 金山上的水神 --- p.35 / Chapter 1、 --- 壯麗的水神廟 --- p.35 / Chapter 2、 --- 水神是蛇仙 --- p.36 / Chapter 3、 --- 水神：老叟還是美婦？ --- p.38 / Chapter 4、 --- 水神從男性變為女性 --- p.40 / Chapter 第六章 --- 運河 --- p.48 / Chapter 1、 --- 政之不行 --- p.48 / Chapter 2、 --- 地方勢力 --- p.49 / Chapter 3、 --- 潤州新進士 --- p.51 / Chapter 4、 --- 潤州新刺史齊濣 --- p.52 / Chapter 5、 --- 運河之利 --- p.57 / Chapter 6、 --- 施政不易 --- p.58 / Chapter 7、 --- 再看唐明皇守城門樓 --- p.61 / Chapter 第七章 --- 拜佛 --- p.64 / Chapter 1、 --- 僧蛇之鬭 --- p.65 / Chapter 2、 --- 顯貴移民：練湖的勝利 --- p.69 / Chapter 第八章 --- 金山名日新 --- p.76 / Chapter 1、 --- 唐朝的鹽商 --- p.76 / Chapter 2、 --- 金山名日新 --- p.82 / Chapter 3、 --- 馬祖玄素和護航寶塔 --- p.84 / Chapter 4、 --- 宰相命輪 --- p.93 / Chapter 第九章 --- 寺成 --- p.94 / Chapter 1、 --- 處心積慮的李德裕 --- p.94 / Chapter 2、 --- 削弱水神蛇仙的影響力 --- p.100 / Chapter 3、 --- 德裕努力的成功 --- p.102 / Chapter 4、 --- 漕路通了 --- p.105 / Chapter 5、 --- 金山寺成 --- p.107 / Chapter 第十章 --- 結論 --- p.115

Eschatology and devotionalism are dominant threads in the rich fabric of Chinese Buddhist history. Yet as in countless other areas of modern Buddhist studies, the investigation has barely begun. This paper analyses the dynamic interplay between eschatology and devotionalism in religious history by focussing on Northern China during the fourth to the eighth centuries A.D. when the intensely popular worship of Maitreya Buddha was overtaken by the worship of Amitabha Buddha. The wider implications of this shift include not only the change from an Abhidharma world-view to a Mahayana world-view but from a state of eschatological disappointment or despair to its resolution by salvation through faith. Thus the greatest and most enduring form of Buddhist devotionalism — the Pure Land movement — is rooted in an age permeated with the ethos of the eschaton. This phenomenon in China is set within the context of the overall development of devotionalism and eschatology from their origins in India to their continuity in present-day Japan and South East Asia. While specific textual, biographical, historical and archaeological data is utilized in supporting the main thesis, the various symbols of Buddhist eschatology and devotionalism are presented as variations on the universal themes of cosmic renewal and faith with mythic counterparts in all religious traditions. / Arts, Faculty of / Classical, Near Eastern and Religious Studies, Department of / Graduate

Buddhism is an integral part of Burmese culture. While Buddhism has been practiced in Burma for around 1500 years and evidence of the religion is found throughout the country, nothing surpasses the concentration of Buddhist monuments found at Bagan. Bagan represents not only the beginnings of a unified Burmese country, but also symbolises Burmese 'ownership' of Theravada Buddhism. ¶ While there is an abundance of artistic material throughout Burma, the study of Burmese Buddhist art by western scholars remains in it infancy due to historical events. In recent years, opportunities for further research have increased, and Bagan, as the region of Buddhism's principal flowering in Burma, is the starting point for the study of Burmese Buddhist art. To date, there has been no systematic review of the stylistic or iconographic characteristics of the Buddhist images of this period. This thesis proposes, for the first time, a chronological framework for sculptural depictions of the Buddha, and identifies the characteristics of Buddha images for each identified phase. The framework and features identified should provide a valuable resource for the dating of future discoveries of Buddhist sculpture at Bagan. ¶ As epigraphic material from this period is very scant, the reconstruction of Bagan's history has relied heavily to this point in time on non-contemporaneous accounts from Burma, and foreign chronicles. The usefulness of Bagan's visual material in broadening our understanding of the early Bagan period has been largely overlooked. This is addressed by relating the identified stylistic trends with purported historical events and it is demonstrated that, in the absence of other contemporaneous material, visual imagery is a valid and valuable resource for both supporting and refuting historical events. ¶ Buddhist imagery of Bagan widely regarded to represent the beginnings of 'pure' Theravada practice that King Anawrahta, the first Burman ruler, actively encouraged. This simplistic view has limited the potential of the imagery to provide a greater understanding of Buddhist practice at Bagan, and subsequently, the cross-cultural interactions that may have been occurring. In this light the narrative sculptural imagery of the period is interrogated against the principal Mahayana and Theravada texts relating to the life of Gotama Buddha. This review, along with the discussion regarding potential agencies for stylistic change, reveals that during the early Bagan period, Buddhism was an eclectic mix of both Theravada and Mahayana, which integrated with pre-existing spiritual traditions. Towards the end of the early Bagan period, trends were emerging which would lead to a distinctly Burmese form of Buddhist practice and visual expression.

This thesis examines the political activism of Vietnamese Engaged Buddhism in the 1960s, particularly the Struggle Movement for social justice and democracy of 1963 and the Peace Movement of 1966. It explores the Buddhist leaders' motives and their political means to deal with Saigon military government and senior advisors to the White House. The thesis sets out to prove that socially and politically Engaged Buddhism is inherent in the Buddhist tradition and not alien to Buddha's teachings. It also proves that Vietnamese Buddhism has always been engaged since the dawn of Vietnamese history. The Buddhism Peace Movement is assessed in accordance with Buddhist principles such as non-violence and non-attachment to temporal power. Except a few minor incidents, it was found that the Buddhist leaders strictly adhered to the non-violent principle and Vietnamese Engaged Buddhism could have provided a political alternative, the Politics of Enlightenment, which could avert the unnecessary destruction of the Vietnam War / Master of Science (Hons) Social Ecology

This thesis deals with the myth of Maitreya, the next Buddha to come. The myth is traced from its earliest emergence in the Buddhist scriptures, briefly through its metamorphosis in China, with a view to presenting its evolution in Japan. The myth's history in Japan spans thirteen centuries, and as a result it is interesting to explore it in its historical context to see how the myth evolves and changes according to the exigencies of the times. / Buddhism has in many ways been synthesized into the Japanese indigenous Shinto context, with the result that the myth of Maitreya has emerged not simply as a Buddhist figure, but a pan-Japanese phenomenon very much responding to the Japanese ethos of "world-mending". This underlying current has become particularly strong in the twentieth century with the result that Maitreya has become a vehicle for social rectification as well as hope.

Ecological restoration projects provide the opportunity for individuals to reconnect with the natural environment. However, the actions and approaches of some ecological restorationists should be brought into question. The concern is that while restoration projects often feature a great deal of public input, hard engineering and site manipulation, they are still based on human-centered priorities. Several scholars in the emerging field of Buddhism and Ecology have applied Buddhist teachings to studies in ecology to advocate a selfless, interconnected approach between humans and ecosystems. However, there has been no work devoted to interconnectedness between Buddhism and the practice and promise of ecological restoration. In this thesis we follow the path of the Buddha, Bhikkhu Buddhadasa and the practitioners and philosophers of ecological restoration to discover if Buddhadasas’ teachings and interpretations of paţicca-samuppāda (dependent origination) and anattā (no-self) will be able to help restorationists approach ecological restoration in a more interconnected and selfless way.

Ecological restoration projects provide the opportunity for individuals to reconnect with the natural environment. However, the actions and approaches of some ecological restorationists should be brought into question. The concern is that while restoration projects often feature a great deal of public input, hard engineering and site manipulation, they are still based on human-centered priorities. Several scholars in the emerging field of Buddhism and Ecology have applied Buddhist teachings to studies in ecology to advocate a selfless, interconnected approach between humans and ecosystems. However, there has been no work devoted to interconnectedness between Buddhism and the practice and promise of ecological restoration. In this thesis we follow the path of the Buddha, Bhikkhu Buddhadasa and the practitioners and philosophers of ecological restoration to discover if Buddhadasas’ teachings and interpretations of paţicca-samuppāda (dependent origination) and anattā (no-self) will be able to help restorationists approach ecological restoration in a more interconnected and selfless way.