It is widely acknowledged that mass media play a central role in circulating and disseminating ideas. Particularly in this globalised era, it is becoming increasingly difficult to ignore the role and impact of news media in shaping public opinion worldwide. During the attacks on New York in September 2001, for instance, CNN - the American cable news network - broadcast across the world twenty-four hours, and most of its reports were translated, or interpreted, into other languages, to be aired in other countries in real time. Most people are thus exposed to extensive reporting every day, but they are not necessarily aware that each news institution promotes, or, at least tries to construct, a particular media discourse according to its political or social orientation. Because of the complexity of mass media discourses, however, it is difficult to demonstrate how the language used participates in constructing and disseminating certain ideologies, or to challenge stereotypes and power relationships. This explains why media, news, political and institutional texts are preferred genres for critical discourse analysts. The extensive body of literature on news media discourses and their impact which draws on critical discourse analysis includes Van Dijk (1988), Fairclough (1995b), Al-Hejin (2007), Kim S (2008), among many others. Translation is a major variable that influences the circulation of ideas and ideologies, and translational choices can participate in provoking (or diffusing) political conflict. At the same time, translation may also challenge dominant discourses. Baker (1996: 14) acknowledges the power of translation, arguing that translation and the study of translation have been used as a "weapon in fighting colonialism, sexism, racism, and so on". And yet, most research on news discourse has so far tended to examine monolingual texts, rather than multilingual texts, including translations, despite the fact that numerous news reports are translated from one language into another on a regular basis. Critical approaches to language study have occasionally been used to investigate translation, in order "to reveal how translation is shaped by ideologies and in this way contributes to the perpetuation or subversion of particular discourses" (Olk 2002: 101), but such studies have remained restricted in scope. Drawing on corpus-based methodology and critical discourse analysis, this study examines US and South Korean news stories published in mainstream media with a view to identifying specific discursive practices relating to North Korea and how they are mediated in translation. The study attempts to analyse the relationship between textual features and practices specific to each news outlet. The corpus for this study consists of two separate sub-corpora, designed and compiled according to the same criteria and specifications: one made up of news texts originally written in English, and the other consisting of translated texts which include English source texts and the target texts translated from English into Korean. The texts are drawn from Newsweek/Newsweek Hangukpan and CNN/CNN Hanguel News. It is hoped that this study will enhance our understanding of some of the ways in which particular media discourses are constructed, disseminated and mediated via translation.

This thesis analyses Learning Development (LD), a field of practice designed to support students’ learning, and explores what this relatively new field can tell us about certain aspects of higher education in the UK. Theoretical work deriving from Foucault underpins the research. The empirical data is constructed from interviews, observation and reflexive autoethnographic sources, and the analytical thrust employs sociolinguistic tools from critical discourse analysis. The result is a case study of identity, offering unique insights into the field of LD itself and, through the ‘lens’ of LD, an original focus upon the production of relationships and their effects, as policies are enacted, within HE in the UK in the early 21st century. Although previous studies have examined the identities and practices of different university workers in terms of concepts such as ‘tribes’ and ‘territories’, and the impact of neoliberalism, this thesis takes a more relational approach. By combining a problematising theoretical framework with discourse analysis, it sheds light upon the mutual construction of relations between LDs, academics, students and university managers, as HE policy is produced, interpreted and enacted through practice at institutional levels. These insights also contribute to an understanding of the operation of ‘governmentality’ within universities. The LD lens brings into focus: i) the continuing drive towards commodification of all aspects of HE, including approaches to learning, under neoliberal economic and political conditions ii) the lack of preparation on the part of UK universities for some aspects of ‘diversity’ and the failure to fulfil the broad mission to widen participation commonly expressed by successive government policies since the 1990s iii) the persistence of traditional approaches to HE practices (particularly the privileging of ‘essayist’ literacy) iv) the tendency to limit student subject positions in respect of how HE is conceived and delivered The thesis concludes by offering some suggestions for further research and practice that may be useful for Learning Developers (LDs), academics and policy-makers in addressing these issues.

In recent years government reform has focused on the expectations of practice for professionals in the education sector. In the last three years alone, revised standards have been published for Headteachers and Teachers. But what model of professionalism do these standards seek to promote? The focus of the work which follows is concerned with analysing the language used within such policies in order to evaluate whether conceptualisations of professionalism are altered over time, by charting the development of policy from 2004 to 2015 for the Headteachers’ standards and from 2007 to 2012 for the Teachers’ standards. In exploring the language of the standards, the author will also consider the nature of professionalism and discuss whether any conceptualisation can ever be articulated which can produce certainty and consensus of understanding.

Canada is currently the world leader in the number of per capita prosecutions of HIV nondisclosure (Hastings, 2017). Many of these cases garner the attention of media and receive sensational and dramatic coverage. This thesis provides a feminist critical discourse analysis of the juridical and mediated content on Trevis Smith who was a former Canadian Football League linebacker convicted of aggravated sexual assault for not disclosing to his sexual partners that he was living with HIV. Mobilizing an intersectional (Crenshaw, 1989, 1991) and masculinities (Connell, 2005/1995; Messerschmidt, 2012; 2016) theoretical framework, I specifically explored the ways in which the media and juridical content constituted Smith by considering how the different discourses were shaped by race, gender, class, criminality, sexual orientation, and seropositivity. The analysis revealed three main discourses: Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, The “Sodom and Ghomorrah of Shared Sexual Partners” and Playing a Dangerous Game. These discourses demonstrate that Smith was initially shown sympathy by way of his construction as a philanthropist, and sports hero. However, as the case progressed his masculinity was discursively linked to racialized tropes of hypersexuality, dangerousness, and criminality due to his failure to disclose that he was HIV positive. I conclude that these discursive connections are part of a broader historical narrative that subjugates and controls Black men while also working to symbolically and literally segregate the Canadian HIV-negative social body from the hypersexual Black ‘AIDS fiend’.

In June 2010 an urban fox (Vulpes vulpes) attacked twin baby girls in their bedroom in Hackney, East London. The story made national newspaper headlines for weeks to follow and elicited commentary from concerned city-dwellers, pest controllers, foxhunters, politicians, scientists and animal protectionists. Many considered urban foxes a growing menace, branding them overabundant, out of place and more aggressive than their rural counterparts. Hunters pointed to the ban on hunting with dogs as a possible cause of a supposed explosion in the urban fox population and as a manifestation of urban ignorance regarding wildlife management. Others defended the foxes' place in the city and warned against knee-jerk reactions to one-off incidents. However, the response from many public and political figures to media reports of fox attacks was to call for urgent action on what is ostensibly a problem of animal behaviour. This thesis examines the urban fox attack phenomenon as a form of moral panic. Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of a large sample of tabloid and broadsheet national newspaper articles, as well as a selection of television documentaries, pest control industry publications and lobby group materials spanning five years (2009–2014), is used to track the emergence and development of this moral panic and to examine how it is tied to anxieties surrounding not only human/animal relations in urban space, but also human social conflict more widely. In so doing, the thesis contributes a new perspective to the study of moral panics by reflecting on the implications for moral panic theory of ‘bringing animals in’.

This qualitative sociolinguistic study focuses on the contemporary usage of metaphor in religious speech among North American Quakers of the Religious of Society of Friends with a particular emphasis on the two historical metaphors of Light and Dark. Beginning with the 20th century, a diverse religious population has been steadily arising in Quaker meetings including many non-Christians. Individual American Quakers are currently choosing a variety of spiritual and/or religious identities and practices ranging from Evangelical or mystical forms of Christianity to Neo-paganism and Non-theism. Thus, the traditional meanings of these metaphors, which were rooted in biblical passages, are changing. This study is based primarily upon six in-depth interviews which provide a sample of a variety of religious viewpoints on the experiential usage of the metaphors of Light and Dark to embody spiritual feelings in worship. These two metaphors are embedded in many religious practices making them central to religious experience. Although Critical Discourse Analysis is used as the primary lens for investigation, the theories of Sapir, Whorf, Lakoff and Johnson also provide an additional basis for analysis. Additionally, a corpus which demonstrates collocations of the metaphors of Light and Dark has been created from archives of Early Friends' journals of the 17th century and compared to the writings of contemporary American Quakers.

Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) approaches the study and critique of social inequality by focusing on the role of discourse in the production and reproduction of dominance, which is defined as the exercise of social power by elites, institutions or groups, that results in social inequality, including political, cultural, class, ethic, racial, and gender inequality (van Dijk, 1993, pp. 249-250). One important social issue that be examined in any given culture in terms of dominance and inequality is gender. The historical discussion of the present study is used to suggest that institutions in political power have weaved a thread of propaganda throughout Germany's history that has used its citizen's sense of folk community for its own agenda and has consistently put women in the secondary role in terms of their contributions to the state. The present study examines the roles of women in Germany's democratic political culture of the present and compares these roles to roles of women in the Third Reich, based on popular media images of women and men, Nazi Propaganda and current issues of der Spiegel. Nazi propaganda is generally recognized as being highly "effective" in its potential for altering mass consciousness. Magazines like der Spiegel with wide scale distribution and political clout among readers in Germany are also in a position to influence the social environment. Some examples of linguistic and visual distortion that are illustrated by the data were selective use of direct quotation where authority is given to certain groups of people and is withheld from others, role allocation where specific groups of people are described through selective roles, and assimilation where other than the elite everyone is blended into a homogeneous group. The present study suggests this type of implicit interpretational distortion serves the same function as the Nazi propaganda in an even more effective manner precisely because it is implicit and indirect.

The present study is based on the critical discourse analysis, and it aims to examine the relationship between linguistic expressions and underlying values in the news reports. The study focuses on the incident of parallel traders happened in Hong Kong in the year of 2015, and it tries to examine how the incident was framed by the two local newspapers, and hopes to unpack the repo11ing perspectives represented in the two newspapers. 本研究基于批评性话语分析，它旨在表达新闻报道中的语言表达和价值之间的关系。此研究关注于香港2015年发生的水货客的抗议事件，着力探讨香港两家地方报纸如何报道此次事件，并试图对两家报纸的报道角度做简单分析。

By utilizing Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) methodology, this study explores the ideological function of language in the Kurdish journalistic discourse of the pre-WWI period (1898-1914). Informed by the CDA approach, the present study perceives language as a social practice that produces meanings and presumes a dialectical relationship between language and ideology in the construction of social realities, beliefs and identities. Hence, this study is situated within the wider scope of discourse analysis that focuses on the link between identity, discourse, power and ideology. The study particularly utilizes, in an eclectic manner, the CDA conceptual frameworks developed by Norman Fairclough and Ruth Wodak in order to examine and explain the ideological function of the Kurdish journalistic discourse in the formation of Kurdish national identity from the prespective of a linguistically informed discursive study. To this end, from the perspective of CDA approach, the study methodically and analytically conducts an exhaustive close textual examination of numerous discourse samples taken from the corpora of three Kurdish journals of the late Ottoman period, i.e., Kurdistan (1898-1902), Kürd Teavün ve Terakki Gazetesi (The Kurdish Gazette for Mutual Aid and Progress) (1908-1909) and Rojî Kurd (Kurdish Sun) (1913). Given that the historical circumstance have a tremendous effect on the formation of discourses, this study investigates discourse practices and language devices employed in the Kurdish journals by taking into consideration the distinctive sociocultural and political conditions in which each journal was published. The study concludes that contrary to the common misperception in the literature, the Kurdish press of the late Ottoman period served as a platform on which Kurdish intellectuals negotiated, constructed and disseminated a distinctive form of Kurdish national identity and nationalism in their discourse despite –sometimes at the expense of- the hegemonic Ottoman and Pan-Islamic identities. However, although the Kurdish journalistic discourse managed to produce a Kurdish nationalist discourse among the Kurdish intellectuals and a small segment of Kurdish reading public, it failed to imitate the Andersonian notion of ‘imagined communities’ as the ‘cultural products’ of ‘print-capitalism’ that would immensely contributed to the formation of a unified field of communication around a national print-language. As a result the Kurdish identity discourse remained inconsequential in terms of making an impact among a larger Kurdish public that would ultimately lead to the construction of a braoder imagined Kurdish national community. The present study attributes the limited power and influence of the Kurdish journals or the Kurdish printing-press on Kurdish masses to the unfavourable historical circumstances, including the novelty of the newspaper genre, the low literacy rate in Kurdistan, the state-imposed restrictions on the production and dissemination of the journals, the personal and familial concerns and interests of the Kurdish leadership of the period and the lingering effects of both parochial (tribal, linguistic, sectarian, regional) and meta-loyalties (Islamism, Ottomanism) among Kurds in the era of nationalism.

Submitted in compliance with the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Technology in Language Practice, Department of Media, Language and Communication, Durban University of Technology, Durban, South Africa, 2017. / This study is concerned with how citizenship education might be seen to take place in Universities of Technology, which are associated with applied knowledge of a technical nature. Higher education is thought to have a role in the nation’s social, moral and spiritual life in transmitting citizenship and culture in all its variety and in enabling personal development for the benefit of individuals and society as a whole. This study explored whether universities of technology do indeed promote a culture of citizenship in order to serve society, and how, by analysing the discourse of educators and students to see how citizenship education might be constructed. The aim was to identify indicators in participant discourse which might be linked to themes occurring in models of citizenship education. It was hoped that analysing participant discourse might reveal which aspects of citizenship were potentially empowering in terms of fostering individually autonomous yet socially conscious citizens. Within a critical linguistic approach, a mixed methods research design was applied, using questionnaires and semi structured interviews and discourse analysis. The discourse analysis involved a content analysis of written texts, and a critical discourse analysis of the transcribed focus group texts. The results of the questionnaires and semi structured interviews yielded indicators of citizenship based on personal values, values relating to social responsibility, and issues relating to the legislature, as enshrined in the South African Constitution. An analysis of the faculty community engagement texts revealed what kinds of ad hoc measures the university was setting in place to foster informal and therefore implicit citizenship education. The critical analysis of student focus group discourse revealed what aspects of citizenship education students were learning informally, as well as to what extent they felt that they were being empowered as self-actuating yet socially conscious citizens of a multicultural democratic country. This study is thought to be of value, as, at the time of the study, the university involved was engaged in a transition between offering informal and implicit options for citizenship education, such as work integrated learning programmes and community engagement projects, and formally curriculating citizenship education into the syllabus in the form of General Education modules, which was still work-in-progress at the end of the study. / D