This study examines the relationship between economic pressure and the employment of married women. Previous research on the subject has generally used husband's income or total family income minus wife's earnings as indicators of economic need. It is argued here (1) that the amount of economic pressure implied by a given family income is a function of the family's particular income needs, and (2) that such income needs are to a large extent subjectively determined. / An attempt is made to analyze the respective impacts of three separate measures of economic pressure on wives' employment. One is family income adequacy as determined objectively by the family's composition. A second is family income adequacy as determined by estimated subjective perceptions of family members. The third is the family's income, discounting any earnings by the wife. / The study is based on interviews of 4020 consumer units from the 1972-1973 Consumer Expenditure Survey. The research strategy involves observing the effects of economic pressure on wives' employment, while controlling for pertinent influences. By means of multiple regression analysis, the relative explanatory power of each of the economic pressure measures is determined. / Regardless of the measure used, economic pressure is positively related to the probability of the wife being employed. Among wives who are employed, economic pressure is positively correlated with the probability of working on a full time basis. The measure of income adequacy which is subjectively determined appears to be the indicator of economic pressure most closely associated with wives' employment, since it explains substantially more than either objective income adequacy or income. Economic pressure's relationship to the probability of a wife working does not differ markedly from its relationship to the probability of an employed wife working full time: the amount of explanatory information in the two cases is about the same. None of the results reflect any differentials by race. / The findings are discussed in the context of their social, economic, political, and demographic implications. A number of suggestions are made in the interest of future research. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 42-09, Section: A, page: 4163. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1981.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 40-10, Section: A, page: 5609. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1979.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 40-10, Section: A, page: 5609. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1979.

Three objectives were identified to explore the relationships between migration and fertility. First, to examine migrant-native fertility differentials within the context of traditional assimilation and social mobility models. Second, to explore the relationship between relative income and fertility in order to draw-out its potential theoretical and empirical implications for the study of migrant-native fertility differentials. Third, to develop an alternative model drawing on some assumptions of the assimilation and social mobility models and incorporating ideas developed in studies of the relationship between relative income and fertility and relative income and migration. The data used were derived from the Second Stage Indonesian Intercensal Population Survey (SUPAS II). / The results indicate that longer term (early) migrants were more assimilated to the norms of the urban native population than the shorter term (late) migrants as suggested by the similarity of their fertility and that of the urban natives. The data on migrants' background showed that early urban migrants had similar fertility to the urban natives. On the other hand, early rural migrants had slightly lower fertility rates than the urban natives which suggested that the motivation for upward social mobility accounted for the migrants' fertility behavior. When recent migrants were compared to urban natives, the former showed lower fertility than the urban natives even after age had been controlled. This supported the social mobility assumptions. Further tests on the social mobility model found that female characteristics such as education, employment, family planning participation, and age at first marriage had stronger effects than male characteristics. The results of these tests imply that the longer the migrants lived in urban centers, the closer the convergence of fertility behavior with that of urban natives. / The findings on the relationship between relative income and fertility are inconclusive, although a clear positive association emerged. The alternative model needs to be further studied by improving measurements on relative income, probability of obtaining a job, perceived income differential, and mobility which should include all types of individuals in the population. The alternative model was developed on the assumptions proposed by assimilation and social mobility models by introducing relative income as the budget constraint for individuals to attain their aspirations. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 42-06, Section: A, page: 2879. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1981.

The purpose of this dissertation is to investigate the role of female education in changing fertility behavior by studying some of the demographic and socioeconomic factors through which these changes are likely to take place in the context of Indonesian society. The Indonesian Fertility Survey of 1976 is analyzed to achieve this purpose. The method of analysis utilizes path analytic techniques and includes cohort comparisons. The results show that the total effect of post-primary education on fertility is negative, although not always substantively significant. The complex of indirect and direct effects of postprimary education of fertility change over time and space is in a direction consistent with the effects that modernizations brings. Age at first marriage is shown to be the most important intermediate variable through which education and occupation before marriage exert their influences on fertility, in this study defined as cumulative fertility or number of children ever born. Occupation before marriage which is accomplished with or without the effect of postprimary education. The total effect of education on cumulative fertility is negative in the three youngest urban cohorts and the oldest rural cohort, but substantively negligible in the three youngest rural cohorts and the oldest urban cohort. This total effect partialed out in the direct and indirect effects shows that, education affects cumulative fertility only indirectly in the three youngest urban cohorts, not at all in the 45 and over urban cohort and the three youngest rural cohorts, and directly in the 45 and over rural cohort. / Because the three youngest cohorts, i.e., the most modernized of the eight cohorts, are more indicative of future, it can thus be expected in the years ahead, that marriage patterns will importantly influence cumulative fertility. Education's effect on cumulative fertility also will be significant, although of secondary importance. / It would be interesting to see whether the same mode of analysis applied to other countries produces similar results. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 41-11, Section: A, page: 4847. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1980.

Many analyses of changes in levels of Puerto Rican fertility have been done and provided valuable insights into Puerto Rican fertility behavior. However, these analyses are all based on period measures. This paper will utilize the 1982 Puerto Rican fertility survey data and conduct cohort analysis to show that more recent birth cohorts have different fertility patterns from the earlier birth cohorts. Such analyses usually are not possible because census data generally lack sufficient historical detail on past characteristics and because--until recently--the few surveys conducted in Puerto Rico have also contained incomplete histories on pertinent sociodemographic variables such as marriage, education, residence, labor force participation and fertility. / The findings of this study show that cohort differences in terms of mean age at first marriage are not significant for different age groups except the 20-24 age group. On the other hand, the earlier cohorts do have higher proportion ever married than the later cohorts at the younger age group levels. Cohort differences are significant for compositional variables such as education, labor force participation and occupation scores. After controlling for the effects of compositional variables and period effects, the fertility differentials are still significant among different cohorts. / The study suggests that with rapid economic development on the island, changes in compositional variables such as education, female labor force participation and occupation, will lead to changes in fertility behavior. Different life experiences for different cohorts also influence their fertility behavior via their value system. As modernization does not have uniform influence on different cohorts, one would expect that cohort differential in fertility is greater among women with more exposure to modernization than otherwise. The study also suggests that other factors in addition to modernization should be explored to explain the fertility decline in Puerto Rico. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 50-08, Section: A, page: 2661. / Major Professor: Robert H. Weller. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1989.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 40-02, Section: A, page: 1094. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1978.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 40-02, Section: A, page: 1096. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1978.

Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 38-09, Section: A, page: 5735. / Thesis (Ph.D.)--The Florida State University, 1977.

Major changes in American families have influenced the ways in which women organize their work and family lives. The most dramatic change has been women's increased commitment to paid work which, as a result, has influenced women's time in household activities and childcare time. Population aging means working adults are more likely to care for their parents and older relatives. Changes in the workplace, including an increase in nonstandard employment and education related inequality in work hours and income, suggest a tension between work and family commitments for women facing a range of economic circumstances. This interplay of work and family obligations results in a time crunch, or insufficient discretionary time after considering time in paid work, household activities, and caregiving responsibilities. Women who are particularly prone to experience time shortages from day-to-day responsibilities are single mothers who have to juggle work and household commitments with half as many adults to provide economic and caregiving support. Single mothers also lack the economic resources to purchase goods and services that may free up their time. Literature on time deficits tries to capture time disadvantages using a construct called "time poverty"; however, there is a substantial gap in this literature because of the lack of focus on women and family structure. This dissertation seeks to fill this void in the literature by comparing time poverty metrics, examining differences in women's time poverty by family structure and work status, and investigating the extent to which gender attitudes predict women's time poverty.