Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Ethnic conflict is the most common type of internal armed conflict in the world. It often involves systematic attacks on civilian populations and is therefore also the major source of most of the world's 9.2 million external refugees and 25 million internal refugees. In 2003, Asia-Pacific was the region second most affected by conflict-induced displacement and in 2004 it had the second largest global number of internal refugees following Africa. Given the likelihood that this trend will continue, it is perhaps surprising that a relative lack of research has been conducted concerning the relationship between ethnic conflict and refugee movements within this region compared to other areas. It is therefore imperative that a comprehensive study be undertaken to fill this void of knowledge. The fundamental question posed by my thesis is why do some ethnic conflicts produce external refugees and others do not in the Southeast Asia/Pacific region? To answer this question, this thesis develops a theoretical model from which to analyse variations in both external and internal refugee numbers as a result of ethnic conflict in the region. It applies the model to specific ethnic conflicts in Fiji, Indonesia, the Philippines, and the Solomon Islands during the period 1995 2005 and identifies a common set of factors conducive to creating internal and external refugees. The findings emphasise the interlinked nature of the variables and demonstrate that no single-factor explanation exists that can explain how refugees are created.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003. / Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xi, 160 p. : ill. Advisor: Edward Crenshaw, Department of Sociology. Includes bibliographical references (p. 152-160).

Thesis (doctoral)--Uppsala universitet, 2002. / "Uppsala 2001." Includes bibliographical references (p. 237-248).

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited / This thesis examines causes and contexts of conflict in the Papua province of Indonesia. The Papua conflict is categorized as an ethno-political conflict as groups of Papuan ethnics raise some incompatible issues about the government of Indonesia. They are expressing their political ideas with various actions from rebellion to non-violent political campaigns. The Indonesian government, at the same time, has chosen various policies from counter-insurgency to accommodation. The counter-insurgency policies, however, have escalated the conflict and regenerated more grievances to the Papuans that increase international concerns. Thus, this thesis argues for a peaceful resolution over the Papua conflict through negotiation and accommodation. The thesis also expects the active engagement of the civil society at the local, national, and international levels. / Civilian, Ministry of Education of Indonesia

The failure by the world bodies to provide regime systems that guarantee minority protection is not only due to shortcomings in the peace building processes, but the overall situation based on colonial structural bearings. In the domain of human rights and political freedom; the fundamental principles of rights of individual and or a group of individual who regard themselves different, particularly on conditions arising from geophysical factors. The perpetual social, political and economic crises in the emerging African economies postcolonial conflicts have caused the region enormous pain and incredible human sufferings. The human and resource manifestation costs have been exorbitant. Thus, the region must take stocks to put its structures and functions on a firm, solid and sustainable foundation. Prof Khadigala in Moeletsi Mbeki (189,2011) remark, “African countries seemed to confirm the argument of being unprepared for democracy by virtue of the existence of narrowly based elites who often mobilised their ethnic constituencies against challenges within the same territorial boundaries”.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2001. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references. Available also from UMI/Dissertation Abstracts International.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Security Building in Post-Conflict Environment))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2004. / Thesis advisor(s): Douglas Porch. Includes bibliographical references (p. 75-77). Also available online.

For the design of power-sharing practices in deeply divided places, there are two main macro-political strategies: consociationalism, developed and defended by Arend Lijphart, and centripetalism, associated with the work of Donald L. Horowitz. In this thesis, I consider the academic debate between advocates of the two approaches and consider the extent to which either model represents a successful tool of ethnic conflict management. Two broad questions are asked: can centripetalism promote political stability in deeply divided places? Can consociationalism? I address these questions by engaging a comparative case analysis of six deeply divided places, three of which have adopted centripetal institutions (Fiji, Sri Lanka, and Nigeria’s Second Republic) and three of which have adopted consociational institutions (Bosnia and Herzegovina, Burundi, and Northern Ireland). I present three central arguments in the thesis. First, centripetalism should not be recommended as a strategy of conflict management in deeply divided places. Its track record in such places reveals serious weaknesses. Indeed, it has tended to promote instability and exacerbate division rather than promote moderation. Second, consociationalism is better able to promote stability in deeply divided places. Third, consociationalism’s prospects of promoting stability are further enhanced when it is implemented in a revised and expanded form, labelled here as “comprehensive consociation.” This type of power-sharing addresses issues that go beyond concern with just political institutions, such as security sector reform, property restitution, and the return of refugees. These are the type of issues that are most likely to promote political instability if left unresolved. Failure to deal with such issues, I argue, is likely to make it more difficult for elites to agree to share power, or to maintain such arrangements. / Thesis (Ph.D, Political Studies) -- Queen's University, 2009-02-12 12:11:51.013

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