This thesis on the role of the rural working class woman, centred on the village of Broadway, Worcestershire and surrounding villages in the period 1890 - 1940, examines and develops the hypothesis that they played a key role in the social and economic functioning of their families. While they were conditioned and educated to provide a reservoir of cheap labour in a very limited variety of gender specific employments - domestic service, sewing, and some forms of field work, this study demonstrates that village women did not perceive themselves as powerless. Their housekeeping role included the power of the purse and in contrast to middle class women they, in addition to their men, were earners and providers. Their managerial role within the family and their pivotal role within the extended family provided the means by which their families could cope with low incomes and harsh living conditions. This thesis examines all aspects of rural women's lives from the formative influences of the home, church, class, and school, to work experience, and marriage. The family's income, including men's, women's and children's contributions is examined, together with its outgoings, including housing, food and clothing, the use and avoidance of debt, and family leisure. The extent of the role of women as providers and receivers of mutual aid within the extended family is researched. Finally, a comparison is made between this research into the role of rural working class woman and research into that of her urban counterpart.

This thesis offers the first detailed assessment of an event that has hitherto been consigned to the margins of the literature on devolution and territorial reform in the United Kingdom, the Conference on Devolution, 1919-1920. Sitting between October 1919 and April 1920, the Conference on Devolution was arguably one of the two moments in the UK’s constitutional history when the territorial constitution was approached in a holistic fashion by policy makers and political elites (the other occasion being the Royal Commission on the Constitution, 1969-1973). The primary aim of this thesis is to provide the first detailed analysis of the Conference on Devolution, to develop a fuller understanding of why it was established, what it debated and why it failed. Secondary to that objective, this thesis will also assess what relevance the Conference has for students of territorial governance in the UK today, at a time when the UK’s constitution is in flux. In pursuit of these objectives, the thesis utilises the ideas and insights on territorial governance of James Bulpitt and James Mitchell, alongside an extensive catalogue of archival evidence, including the previously unstudied (in the context of the Conference on Devolution) personal papers of the Conference’s Secretary, Gilbert Campion. Using this methodology and archival sources, the thesis offers a considerable revision to previous understandings of the Conference on Devolution. It demonstrates that the Conference’s fatal disagreement on how the devolved legislatures should be composed, was not, as has been previously portrayed, just a disagreement at the latter stages of the Conference’s work, but was instead a cleavage that undercut the entirety of the Conference on Devolution. Finally, the thesis highlights the clear resonance between the issues deliberated by the Conference and many of today’s territorial governance debates.

The 1991 Child Support Act is seen as one of the most controversial and notorious policy failures in Britain, being described as ‘the most incompetent and inhuman agency ever set up by a British government’ (Ingrams, 1997). Its first year in operation was marked by administrative chaos, error, and failure. This thesis will demonstrate that this failure was ‘foreseeable’ and ‘foreseen’. This thesis is both an examination of the British policy-making process, and the 1991 Child Support Act. Analysis focuses primarily on policy formation, assessing the reasons behind why policy-makers pursued certain actions, and ultimately how a foreseeable and foreseen policy failure was able to gain cross-party support. It examines the role of power, imbalance of resources, and inter-Departmental and inter- Ministerial battles. Parliamentary processes, together with a detailed assessment of Parliamentary discussions, are also addressed. The existence of dual origins, and the role of ‘policy transfer’, or as this thesis argues, ‘incoherent dual-policy transfer’ are examined. The thesis re-introduces the stages approach as an appropriate framework for examining policy-making in general, and analysing policy failure in particular. It draws on evidence gained through interviews, official documents, unpublished consultation responses, Parliamentary debates, and materials from pressure groups and think-tanks, as well as academic literature. Examination of the policy formation process shows that the Child Support Act had two separate paths of origin. These conflicting origins led to ‘incoherent dual-policy transfer’, whereby the policy pursued by Newton and Mackay was undermined by Thatcher and the Treasury. It also demonstrates that the Bill’s flaws were magnified by ineffective legislative process. It ends by illustrating the roots behind the 1991 Child Support Act’s failure, and the ultimate failings of the British policy-making process. The larger implications for these findings is the presentation of the idea of ‘perfect legislation’, which shows us what leads to, and thus provides a criteria for avoiding, policy failure.

Change in penitential thinking and practice in England during the sixteenth century had a profound impact on both church and society. There has been no published work on penitence in England across the century. This study meets that gap examining why and how change came about; the way penitential change in England had its own peculiarities and differed from changes on the continent; and the consequences of change. The thesis has a special focus on pastoral ministry to penitents. The six main chapters consider: 1) ministry of the sacrament of penance prior to the Reformation; 2)the importance of penitence in the thinking of both conservative and evangelical humanists; 3)changes in church teaching about the sacrament during the reign of Henry VIII; 4)how the abandoning of the sacrament and obligatory auricular confession effected the role and work of clergy during the reign of Edward VI; ministry to those with 'afflicted consciences' during the Marian persecution; the politicisation of exiles; 5)the importance of the sacrament to church leaders for the restoration o the Marian church; 6)the Elizabethan church compensating for the loss of the sacrament by preaching repentance with the use of catechisms and devotional material; whether there is evidence to argue for a popular reception of the new penitential ideas. The focus on penitence brings out new insights. Henry VIII despite his antipathy to Luther and justification by faith, collaborated with Cranmer in bringing about more changes in penitential thinking and practice than has hitherto been noticed. The Edwardian Reformation was not merely destructive as some historians imply but established within the Church of England a new pattern of pastoral ministry. Attempts to restore papal Catholicism under Mary showed both the importance of penance and how church leaders had differing views of the significance of the sacrament which suggests tensions within the episcopate. Evidence also suggests resistance to return to earlier penitential practice. The Elizabethan church was not only concerned to justify the rejection of the sacrament of confession but many of its leaders were aware of the losses this involved. They looked for ways to compensate for these. Pastors developed experience in 'practical divinity' as a means of helping those with an 'afflicted conscience'. In fact the penitential changes together with the Marian persecution meant that conscience came to the fore as an issue in moral and political decisions. Consideration of the importance of repentance in metrical psalms, religious ballads, plays and broadsheets shows something of the impact penitential changes had on the culture as England moved to become a Protestant nation.

This thesis examines the contribution made to the political, ecclesiastical and social development of the Isle of Man by Isaac Barrow, bishop of Sodor and Man (1663-71) and governor (1664-69). The condition of the Island and its people after the civil wars and interregnum is described and the nature and scope of the challenges faced by Barrow are assessed. Barrow’s vision for the people in his care and the pastoral and educational strategies he adopted to better their moral, spiritual and social condition are described, and his motives in introducing his wide-ranging reforms are considered. The civil legislation enacted during his administration and the ecclesiastical legislation which he initiated are analysed, and the immediate and longer term effects of his reforms are evaluated. Barrow identified two key targets for reform: improved education and conditions for the parish clergy; and the provision of English elementary schools for every boy and girl, with grammar and academic schools for the most able. Barrow’s skill in exploiting four different sources of funds and setting up well-constructed endowment instruments to ensure effective investment management is considered, and the quality and consistency of the oversight of schools and other aspects of pastoral and social care provided by the clergy and the courts are also evaluated. The thesis then reflects on Barrow’s continuing interest in and contribution to the development of education in the Isle of Man during his episcopate in St Asaph (1670-80), and considers reasons for his relative lack of success in addressing comparable social challenges in north-east Wales. The impact of variations to the conditions of the academic endowments which Barrow made in his will (1680) is also assessed. At the centre of the thesis is a reflection on Barrow’s life before 1663. The contrast between his high church, royalist convictions and academic career in Cambridge, Oxford and Eton on the one hand, and the liberal credentials of his reforms on the other, is considered. The thesis questions the extent to which the influence of former friends and colleagues, and the strengths and weaknesses of his self-sufficient, authoritarian character may have contributed to his ideas and the success of their implementation. The thesis evaluates the long-term effectiveness of Barrow’s reforms, notably in education, by analysing evidence for the progress of literacy in reading and writing in the Isle of Man through the eighteenth century. It assesses particularly the efficacy of schooling in English in an isolated community where only Manx Gaelic, a vernacular without a written orthography, was spoken, and considers similar challenges in the teaching and acquisition of reading skills in Wales. Comparisons are then drawn with contemporary developments in the dioceses of Chester (Cheshire and south Lancashire) and St Asaph (Denbigh, Flint and Montgomery) and in the wider context of the progress of literacy in England and Wales. In conclusion the continuing contribution of Barrow’s ideas and endowments today is summarised.

Female Enterprise in Georgian Derbyshire, c.1780-c.1830 analyses quantitatively and qualitatively the continuing and increasing presence of middle-ranking women in the commercial environment of late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth century England. It challenges an older and more pessimistic interpretation of decline, narrowing opportunities and withdrawal from business in response to intensifying separate spheres ideology. Instead, alongside significant levels of continuity in opportunities within a narrow range of 'feminine' economic sectors, it demonstrates the increasing presence of women as owner-managers of enterprise, and the ability of women to enter and survive in 'masculine' business environments. Whilst never more than a significant minority, women are, nevertheless, regarded as material, rather than peripheral players, in the development of the late-Georgian economy. Despite the less regulated spaces and greater dynamism of more rapidly developing industrial towns (which provided women with opportunities to engage in business), emphasis is placed on a woman's ability to enter and remain in business being contingent upon her continued utilisation and reinforcement of familial, business and social connections. Whilst businesswomen were more constrained than men by legal, moral and social codes of conduct, it is evident throughout the research that the marketing, managing and organisation of their enterprises was comparable to their male counterparts. In a predominantly rural county like Derbyshire, proportionately more women were to be found engaged in enterprise than they were in towns and cities undergoing significantly greater industrial expansion and urban growth. For those women who out of necessity or choice took the decision to enter the business arena, their status and reputations as middle­ranking women were not compromised, but forged by their experiences.

By using the political career of the leading Conservative Douglas Hogg, 1st Viscount Hailsham, as a prism, this thesis explores important aspects of inter-war British politics. Considering that Hailsham held key posts during the 1920s and 1930s, his career has attracted less historical coverage than one would expect. By charting his important role in the policy-making process, this study sheds light upon the major challenges facing Conservative leaders and enhances our understanding of British politics during this turbulent period. Hailsham helped shape the moderate form of Conservatism that asserted itself at this time and became intimately involved in formulating Britain’s imperial, defence and foreign policies. Hailsham’s contribution to the Conservatives’ response to the rise of the Labour Party during Britain’s newfound age of mass democracy emphasises the intricacies of inter-war Conservatism. Notwithstanding the overwhelmingly working class electorate, the Conservatives were the dominant party at the polls and this study demonstrates that Hailsham played no small part in the Conservatives’ highly successful inter-war appeal. By the end of the 1920s, he had assumed such a prominent position that a number of high-ranking Tories regarded him as Stanley Baldwin’s likely successor. During the 1930s, Hailsham confirmed that he was a committed imperialist. He was amongst those who defined Britain’s policy as the Empire was transformed into the Commonwealth. He also made important contributions to the interplay between the National Government’s foreign and defence policies. He was one of only a handful of ministers whose continued presence allowed them to make interventions in Britain’s disarmament, rearmament and appeasement policies during the era of the European dictators and the rise of militaristic Japan. Hailsham’s contribution is even more significant because he has strong claims to being the first cabinet minister to express disquiet over the mounting German menace.

This thesis focuses on serious female offenders living in Liverpool and London during the Victorian period. In contrast to much existing historical research on women and crime, the interest here is not solely on the offences women committed, nor their offending patterns; but instead on their lives, experiences, and identities. One of the key objectives of this research is to add new information on women and offending to a historiography which continues to be dominated by the male offender and the male experience or crime. Similarly, this research moves away from histories of female offenders as shoplifters, prostitutes, and child-killers, and considers the wider involvement of women in crimes of theft and violence in Victorian cities. The findings demonstrate that female offences were diverse, and patterns of offending were heavily influenced by local, environmental, and personal factors. Analysis of women’s experiences shows that limited opportunities for employment, difficult living conditions, and poor prospects for social mobility and stability all impacted upon the probability of offending. The research also shows that women who were part of the lowest sections of the working class, members of an ethnic minority, the oldest female child in their families, and unmarried, were most likely to become serious female offenders. Local differences in employment opportunities, housing patterns, and policing practices could impact upon the kind of crimes undertaken by women, the period of the life-cycle in which offending was most likely to begin, the length of offending careers, and the number of convictions women gained. Yet the biggest contribution to serious female offending was made by experiences which transcended both location and environment, namely the issues of poverty, and social and economic exclusion.

Throughout the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries Liverpool's world-wide transport links, and its close proximity to Ireland, rendered it a most convenient - if not always the most welcoming - destination for large numbers of female migrants. Therefore, the initial purpose of this study is to compare the migration experience of Irish women who settled in Liverpool between the mid-nineteenth and mid-twentieth centuries, to examine whether that experience changed over time and, if it did, to establish the nature of that change. Beginning with an examination of the perception of the Irish by their British neighbours, and how extremely high levels of settlement in Liverpool shaped attitudes there, exploration is made of the way these attitudes were reflected in that city's treatment of Irish migrants. Secondly, consideration is given to expressions of prevailing ideology surrounding women's role within the home and in the wider society, that the influences and pressures that were brought to bear upon Iirsh women - in Ireland and in Britain - might be examined. Thirdly, examination is made of the economic climate in Liverpool, particularly in connection with female work opportunities, which set the scene for examination of employment trends amongst female migrants. The scale of the Irish presence in Liverpool, and its impact, coloured local perceptions for many years, the sense of and alien 'other' in their midst frequently errupting in expressions of resentment and hostility. Meanwhile, attitudes towards women - in Ireland and in Britain - saw society seek to control them through the imposition of social, moral and economic restrictions, and penalize those who stepped beyond these perameters. Moreover, Liverpool's over-reliance upon maritime commerce, rather than manufacturing, presented women with few opportunities for gainful employment. Those available were very often low status, poorly paid, and confined to a narrow range, yet underemployment amongst men in Liverpool rendered women's earnings an essential part of family incomes. In response, Irish women moved into occupations less popular with locally-born women, and made them their own, becoming particularly noted as street vendors and domestic servants. Indeed, the steady stream of female migrants willing to work in domestic service ensured that it remained a major field of female employment in Liverpool far longer than in other parts of Britain, even during the Second World War. In the process they created a tradition of working mothers which drew criticism from those in authority, and the attention of social reformers. Migration changed the lives of these women, it changed the country they left, and it changed the city that became their new home.

Thesis (M.S.)--Boston University