Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1998. / Includes bibliographical references (v. 2, leaves 397-414). / by Eva Treneice Thorne. / Ph.D.

Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1989. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 142-147). / by Stephen Bennett Page. / M.S.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 279-297). / This thesis is about political change and the possibilities for politically creative individuals to achieve desired change. To identify such possibilities, I argue that we should employ a catalog of analytical tools from the social, psychological and cognitive sciences, organized in three sets. One covers social dynamics, the social mechanisms behind stability and change, either sudden or incremental; the second captures ordinary differences among group members in how they understand conditions, react to events, and connect to others; and the third set deals with extraordinary differences in mindsets and aptitudes which may enable individuals to exert considerable influence on conditions. A fundamental problem is the difficulty of separating the impact of individual action (agency) from effects of social conditions and trends (structure), given that political events involve interaction of the two. My solution is to focus onprojects for political change, which are long-term endeavors that go against prevailing conditions and conventional ideas, and which focus upon changing one broad element of the political landscape (such as to restructure inter-group relations, to empower a previously weak constituency, to change certain status quo ideas and practices, or to reshape particular institutions of government). Such long-term work by specific actors facilitates analysis of whether they (and people in similar positions) face extraordinary problems, and whether extraordinary differences are necessary to bring creative political change. The first half of this thesis builds the three toolsets and an approach for applying them to considerations of political creativity. The second half supports this theory building by demonstrating that the tools and / (cont.) approach are useful and feasible, through applications to several studies of efforts at political change, which achieved varying levels of success. Overall, the idea is to coordinate findings about the dynamics of social conditions and about individual characteristics, to better understand possibilities for political creativity. / by Brett V. Kubicek. / Ph.D.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2013. / Cataloged from PDF version of thesis. / Includes bibliographical references (pages 238-250). / When and how do public institutions work effectively on behalf of marginalized citizens? The Indian government has enacted a number of policies for universal primary education, and yet the extent and quality of implementation varies significantly across regions. Why, operating under the same national policy framework, democratic institutions and administrative structures, do some public agencies in India implement policies more effectively than others? This dissertation identifies the mechanisms behind policy implementation through a series of sub-national comparisons and nested case studies carried out in three north Indian states-Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand and Uttar Pradesh. While much scholarship emphasizes the design of formal institutions, my study highlights the importance of informal bureaucratic norms, unwritten yet widely observed rules within the state that guide how public officials behave and relate to citizens. The study find that agencies governed by deliberative norms-these are norms that encourage bureaucrats to work collectively to solve problems, bend official rules and promote civic participation-implement policies more effectively than agencies that operate in a legalistic fashion, adhering strictly to formal rules and procedures while discouraging citizen engagement. These findings are drawn from more than two years of field research, including over 500 interviews and focus group discussions, participant observation within public agencies and primary schools, and village-level ethnography. The study of policy implementation in India sheds critical light on how public institutions function in practice and relate to citizens on the ground, and offers new theoretical insights on the relationship between governance and well-being in developing democracies. / by Akshay Mangla. / Ph.D.

Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Department of Political Science, 2014. / Cataloged from PDF version of thesis. / Includes bibliographical references (pages 114-124). / Abortion is a loaded, controversial, and divisive sociocultural and political term, concept, and debate. Yet little empirical research has been conducted to examine what effects abortion rights legislation and court cases have had on the public and our society. After analyzing a broad overview of the history of the abortion rights debate in the US, I conduct bivariate and multivariate regression analyses from 1972-2004 using NES and personally-collected data to see how these laws and court opinions in various states at the individual level influence public opinion of abortion rights and of the government. In the end, I conclude that, of the possible iterated relationships therefrom, anti-choice policies have statistically significant impacts on both how people view abortion rights and their own state governments. In doing so, I challenge extant models that describe the interaction between public opinion and policy. I also further develop the idea of Policy Overreach, where policymakers go "too far"-at least, in the eyes of the public-in setting anti-choice policies, causing the public to retaliate in various ways. Not only does this thesis answer some important questions, but also introduces new measures, concepts, questions, and data for future research into this important area of study. / by Cory D. Hernandez. / S.M.

Thesis (S.M.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2005. / "February 2005." / Includes bibliographical references. / This thesis offers an alternate theory to the problem of secessionism by integrating two separate fields of research: nationalism and constitutional engineering. In particular, I apply two prominent theories of nationalism, those of Ernest Gellner and Benedict Anderson, to the problem of constitutional engineering. The theories developed by Gellner and Anderson have furthered our understanding of the historical and evolutionary processes of nationhood and nationalism. I argue that the insight offered by these theories can therefore better guide policy makers, scholars, and constitutional engineers in the design of political institutions for deeply-divided societies. The engineering of institutions has the capacity to contain separatist conflict by striking at what I argue are the two necessary cause of secessionism - desire and ability. In my thesis I focus on one case study in particular, that of Iraqi Kurdistan. I argue that a secessionist movement by Iraqi Kurds can best be thwarted by applying a two-pronged strategy: First, devolve enough power to the Kurds so that their rights as a minority group are protected and their desire for self-rule is fulfilled. Likewise, ensure the representation of Kurds in all levels of government. Second, encourage diversity within the Kurdish political arena. Both components of this strategy can be achieved by adopting a proportional representation electoral formula, selecting a territorially-based federalism, and choosing a parliamentary system. / by Adele B. Weinstock. / S.M.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references. / The central goal of this dissertation is to contribute to our understanding of the link between political representation and policy outcomes. In particular, this collection of essays examines how the institutional arrangements and formal processes that precede and initiate political representation either promote or hinder the representation of various interests in society and thus determine whose interests shape public policies. The first chapter studies the relationship between descriptive representation of traditionally underrepresented minority groups and substantive representation of their interests. Examining the impact of increased African American representation from the early 1970s to the late 1990s, the chapter demonstrates that legislative representation of historically marginalized groups can lead to tangible changes in public policies. The second chapter attempts to understand why legislative representation of minority groups in American society remains low, even to this day. This chapter disentangles the impact of candidates' race on voting decisions from that of candidates' ideology, by focusing on the case of the representation of African Americans. / (cont.) Using extensive individual-level voting data as well as a unique data set on candidates' ideological positions, the chapter shows that minority candidates' race negatively influences voting decisions of white voters only when partisan and ideological cues are absent. The third chapter analyzes the impact of electoral institutions on political representation and policy outcomes. It provides empirical evidence that political units receive larger intergovernmental transfers, when represented by at-large delegations than when represented by delegations elected from single-member districts. / by Michiko Ueda. / Ph.D.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 419-436). / Are apologies and other acts of contrition necessary to reduce threat and build trust between former adversaries? This has become an accepted conventional wisdom, despite the fact that the effects of contrition have not yet been tested. This dissertation outlines and tests an "apology theory" of international politics, thus contributing to debates within international relations theory about the role of intentions in threat perception between states, as well as to policy debates about the role of contrition in peace building. The apology theory posits that a state's "policies of remembrance" affect perception of its intentions in the eyes of other states, and thus influence the degree to which others see it as threatening. According to the theory, apologies foster perception of benign intentions and thus reduce threat perception. I test the apology theory in two empirical case studies: South Korean threat perception of Japan and French threat perception of Germany, both since World War II. To determine whether my findings appear valid in other cases, I conduct three "mini-cases": Chinese and Australian perceptions of Japan, and British perceptions of Germany. The study has three principal findings. First, the Japan case shows that denial of past violence (unapologetic remembrance) is pernicious for bilateral relations; it fuels distrust and increases threat perception between states. Acknowledgement of past violence is vital for former adversaries to establish productive and friendly relations. Second, the European case shows that moving beyond acknowledgement of past violence--undertaking extensive policies of contrition--yields little benefit. When the French discuss their perceptions of / (cont.) Germany, they emphasize factors other than remembrance. Third, moving beyond a basic acknowledgement of past violence to policies of contrition may actually be harmful for relations. The case of Japan suggests that policies of contrition can trigger domestic backlash, which in turn alarms observers. The potential backlash effect from contrition is an important finding for academic and activist literatures on post-conflict peace-building, which often recommend policies of contrition, but have neglected to consider its potential negative effects. / by Jennifer M. Lind. / Ph.D.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [291]-307). / by Laura W. Reed. / Ph.D.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Political Science, 2012. / Cataloged from PDF version of thesis. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 250-282). / Disciples of the State seeks to explain why some former Ottoman states succeeded in effectively secularizing schooling and law and regulating religion upon independence - thereby consolidating state power- whereas others did not. The bulk of the project centers on a detailed investigation of three former-Ottoman country cases: Turkey, Greece, and Egypt. The main argument is built around a comparison of the critical historical antecedents that preceded independence in these three countries. My findings suggest that when manpower for early modernizing reforms in the 19 th century was severely constrained, state-builders were more likely to employ strategies of institutional reform based on coöptation, thereby integrating religious elites into nascent state structures in a piecemeal fashion. This turbulent (and at times violent) process of integration and coöptation spawned a dynamic of differential growth that severely weakened religious institutions. When religious institutions were weakened in this way in the 19 th century, it became possible for states to exert full control over the religious establishment upon independence, producing what we consider today to be successful "secular revolutions". I find that this dynamic played out in places as different as Greece and late Ottoman Turkey. Conversely, when manpower for modernizing reforms was more readily available (often as a result of colonial occupation) state-building strategies took a different form. Instead of coöptating religious actors, state-builders created new sets of "parallel" disciplinary institutions that largely excluded traditional elites. In this context, rather than sharing expertise, religious institutions became largely insulated from the state, re-entrenched themselves, and grew in size over the late 19th and early 20th century. Upon independence, founding regimes thus inherited a deeply fractured system of disciplinary control making "secular revolutions" much more difficult to impose. I find the that this dynamic characterized state-building trajectories in Egypt. / by Kristin Elisabeth Fabbe. / Ph.D.