In this thesis I have examined the "consociational" arrangements used by the political elites in Malaysia, namely the elite transactions and bargaining which occurred in the original Alliance Party system, and especially the refashioning of the formula towards a grand coalition strategy after the May 13, 1969 riots. Primary emphasis has been given to the 1969-1975 period and the leadership of Tun Abdul Razak. Theoretically, the basic approach used is a version of the consociational democracy model of Arend Lijphart. However, I have also made use of the literature on political modernization and coalition theory, especially on larger-than-minimal political coalitions. Empirically, the research is based on interviews in Malaysia in 1974-1975, Malaysian and Singapore newspapers, translations of the vernacular Press, government and party literature, election manifestos, and articles and books related to the subject. The general question posed is: how does a country like Malaysia, with salient reinforcing ethnic cleavages dividing the two nearly-numerically balanced groups, the Malays and the non-Malays, maintain political stability and avoid ethnic violence? In answer, it is maintained that, conceptually, consociationalism can be separated from the condition of "democracy", and that a version of it can operate where there is not a balance of power among the segments. The Alliance practiced one form of consociationalism which followed quite closely the requirements of Lijphart's model, while the National Front practices another form of consociationalism, which deviates from Lijphart's model in being less democratic and more unbalanced, but is still consociational. It is argued that, in a country like Malaysia, the chances of successfully maintaining political stability and avoiding ethnic confrontation are improved when elite consociational practices are used in conjunction with political controls restricting political competition. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Unknown

The purpose of this paper is to examine the present political situation in Greece and the events that took place from the time that Papandreou’s Center Union Party came to power in 1964 to the military coup d’etat in 1967. However, in order to develop a picture of what led to the coup of 1967, it is necessary not only to discuss specific events prior and during the coup, but also to present a brief background of modern Greek politics since Greece’s independence from the Turks in 1821. The paper is divided into five chapters: the first chapter briefly summarizes the events that took place on April 21, 1967; the second traces the events that led to the April 21 coup d’etat; the third indicates what the situation was before April 21, 1967; the fourth discusses the polices and governing methods of the present military regime; the fifth is a concluding statement. There is little data in books or professional journals about recent Greek politics. Consequently, this work was largely dependent on newspapers, news magazines, and the testimony of a number of Greeks for information. The Greek people are presently under the dictatorial rule of a military regime. Resistance against the regime appears to be increasing. As resistance increases, more repressive measures and unrest will develop, until the country erupts into a bloody civil war.

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施卓凌. / "2008年8月". / "2008 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leave 307-323) / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Shi Zhuoling. / Chapter 第一章、 --- 問題的提出 --- p.1 / Chapter 一、 --- 命題界定 --- p.1 / Chapter 1. --- 地方精英的涵義 --- p.1 / Chapter 2. --- 并州和河東郡 --- p.28 / Chapter 二、 --- 前人研究回顧 --- p.33 / Chapter 第二章、 --- 仕途的開放與并州地方精英 --- p.44 / Chapter 一、 --- 官秩等級對精英行為的規範 --- p.44 / Chapter 1. --- 官制與爵制 --- p.44 / Chapter 2. --- 官秩和爵秩為綱的秩序 --- p.56 / Chapter 二、 --- 并州地方精英的入仕情況 --- p.74 / Chapter 1. --- 核心區：河東郡和太原郡 --- p.75 / Chapter 2. --- 中間區：上黨、上郡、西河和北地郡 --- p.81 / Chapter 3. --- 邊緣區(1):雲中、鴈門和代郡 --- p.84 / Chapter 4. --- 邊陲區(2):定襄、五原和朔方 --- p.89 / Chapter 第三章、 --- 并州政治精英的個案硏究 --- p.93 / Chapter 一、 --- 河東裴氏 --- p.93 / Chapter 二、 --- 上郡鮮于氏 --- p.100 / Chapter 三、 --- 上黨馮氏 --- p.105 / Chapter 四、 --- 和林格爾墓主 --- p.117 / Chapter 五、 --- 樓煩班氏 --- p.122 / Chapter 第四章、 --- 并州精英：富商與豪傑 --- p.131 / Chapter 一、 --- 富商 --- p.131 / Chapter 二、 --- 豪傑 --- p.169 / Chapter 第五章、 --- 并州地方叛亂與地方精英 --- p.187 / 總結 --- p.212 / 附錄 --- p.222 / 附錄1〈前四史所見賜吏爵表〉 --- p.222 / 附錄2〈張家山漢簡中的名田制及繼承法表〉 --- p.224 / 附錄3〈并州和河東郡官員籍貫統計〉 --- p.225 / Chapter 3.1 --- 〈并州和河東郡官員籍貫表〉 --- p.229 / Chapter 3.2 --- 〈西漢六百石或以上官員統計圖〉 --- p.254 / Chapter 3.3 --- 〈東漢六百石或以上官員統計圖〉 --- p.255 / Chapter 3.4 --- 〈兩漢六百石或以上官員比較統計圖〉 --- p.256 / Chapter 3.5 --- 〈兩漢六百石或以上官員統計圖〉 --- p.257 / Chapter 3.6 --- 〈兩漢二千石或以上官員統計圖〉 --- p.258 / Chapter 3.7 --- 〈并州二百石或以上官員分佈圖〉 --- p.259 / 附錄4〈考衛尉貞侯殘石碑陰〉 --- p.260 / Chapter 4.1 --- 〈考衛尉貞侯殘石碑陰初步釋文〉 --- p.261 / 附錄5〈山西夏縣王村東漢壁畫(部分)〉 --- p.262 / 附錄6〈漢代并州和河東郡交通考〉 --- p.266 / 附錄7〈兩漢并州和河東郡外族入侵年表〉 --- p.298 / 參考書目 --- p.307