手稿本. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Shou gao ben. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 180-191). / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / 緒論 --- p.1-8 / Chapter 第一章 --- 轉運使設置的由來 / Chapter 第一節 --- 唐代的轉運使 --- p.14-30 / Chapter 第二節 --- 唐末及五代的轉運使 --- p.31-39 / Chapter 第二章 --- 北宋前期的轉運使 / Chapter 第一節 --- 國初的轉運使及其沿革 --- p.45-52 / Chapter 第二節 --- 宋設置轉運使的由來 --- p.53-62 / Chapter 第三節 --- 北宋前期轉運使的類別 --- p.63-81 / Chapter 第三章 --- 北宋前期轉運使的職掌 / Chapter 第一節 --- 轉輸財賦 --- p.87-112 / Chapter 第二節 --- 監察官吏 --- p.113-135 / Chapter 第四章 --- 北宋前期轉運使的任遷 --- p.139-173 / 結論 --- p.175-179 / 中、日文參考書目 --- p.180-191

廖美香. / 論文 (哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 1999. / 參考文獻 (leaves i-x, 3rd group) / 附中英文摘要. / Liao Meixiang. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)-- Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 1999. / Can kao wen xian (leaves i-x, 3rd group) / Fu Zhong Ying wen zhai yao. / Chapter 第一章 --- 前言 / Chapter I --- 有關主權的分析問題 / Chapter II --- 文獻回顧 / Chapter 甲 --- 有關北京對台政策 / Chapter 一 --- 大陸方面 / Chapter 二 --- 台灣方面 / Chapter 三 --- 兩岸以外 / Chapter 乙 --- 有關中共主權理論 / Chapter III --- 理論框架 / Chapter IV --- 硏究方法及資料 / Chapter 第二章 --- 中共之主權理論 / Chapter I --- 主權理論起源於西方 / Chapter 甲 --- 對內主權 / Chapter 乙 --- 對外主權 / Chapter II --- 現代西方主權理論 / Chapter III --- 中國傳統之天下觀 / Chapter IV --- 中共之主權觀 / Chapter 甲 --- 中共之主權理論 / Chapter 乙 --- 中共對主權理論之實踐 / Chapter 一 --- 對內主權 / Chapter A --- 政治方面 / Chapter B --- 經濟方面 / Chapter C --- 領土方面 / Chapter 二 --- 對外主權 / Chapter 第三章 --- 北京對台灣政策的歷程與背景 / Chapter I --- 一九四九年至一九五五年：武力解放 / Chapter II --- 一九五五年至一九七八年：和平解放 / Chapter III --- 一九七八年至一九八七年：一國兩制 / Chapter IV --- 一九八八年至一九九五年：三通四流 / Chapter V --- 一九九五年至一九九九年：高層互動 / Chapter 第四章 --- 北京之統一策略 / Chapter I --- 「和平統一」、「一國兩制」 / Chapter II --- 「一國兩制」之具體內容 / Chapter III --- 兩岸交流及談判 / Chapter 第五章 --- 北京涉台外交的處理 / Chapter I --- 中美建交談判過程 / Chapter II --- 中美建交公報內容 / Chapter III --- 中美建交後遺症 / Chapter 甲 --- 《台灣關係法》 / Chapter 乙 --- 對台售武 / Chapter 丙 --- 對台通航 / Chapter 第六章 --- 北京對台灣務實外交的回應 / Chapter I --- 台灣的雙邊外交 / Chapter 甲 --- 台灣雙邊外交槪況 / Chapter 一 --- 美國 / Chapter 二 --- 亞洲 / Chapter 三 --- 歐洲 / Chapter 四 --- 非洲、中美洲、南美洲 / Chapter 乙 --- 北京對台灣雙邊外交的立場 / Chapter II --- 台灣之多邊外交 / Chapter 甲 --- 台灣多邊外交槪況 / Chapter 一 --- 民間性國際組織 / Chapter 二 --- 政府間國際組織 / Chapter 三 --- 國際經濟組織 / Chapter 四 --- 國際政治組織 / Chapter 乙 --- 北京對台灣多邊外交的立場 / Chapter 第七章 --- 北京對台灣的大陸政策及台灣內政發展的回應 / Chapter I --- 台灣的大陸政策 / Chapter II --- 台獨問題 / Chapter III --- 民主化進程 / Chapter 第八章 --- 結論 / Chapter I --- 從國際及國內形勢看不同時期的北京對台政策 / Chapter 甲 --- 七零年代：軟硬兼施 / Chapter 乙 --- 八零年代：由強硬變得鬆動 / Chapter 丙 --- 九零年代：由彈性變得強硬 / Chapter II --- 北京面對新主權觀之挑戰 / Chapter 一 --- 北京反對人權高於國家主權 / Chapter 二 --- 台灣以「人民主權」挑戰北京 / Chapter 三 --- 北京反對主權可分論 / Chapter 四 --- 北京接受主權的部分讓步 / Chapter 五 --- 經濟利益先於國家主權 / Chapter III --- 北京主權觀之特質 / Chapter 一 --- 具「天下觀」之色彩 / Chapter 二 --- 反霸權主義 / Chapter 三 --- 具主次性 / Chapter 四 --- 主權之操作性可以含糊 / Chapter IV --- 北京對台政策堅持主權原則，但有彈性措施 / Chapter V --- 北京對台政策的發展方向 / Chapter VI --- 兩岸對主權的分歧將繼續成爲兩岸關係發展的障礙 / 參考書目 / 附錄 / Chapter 一 --- 中、美「上海公報」 / Chapter 二 --- 中、美建交聯合公報 / Chapter 三 --- 《告台灣同胞書》 / Chapter 四 --- 《台灣關係法》 / Chapter 五 --- 「葉九條」 / Chapter 六 --- 「´八Ø一七」公報 / Chapter 七 --- 《國家統一綱領》 / Chapter 八 --- 《台灣問題與中國的統一》白皮書 / Chapter 九 --- 《台海兩岸關係說明書》 / Chapter 十 --- 「江八點」 / Chapter 十一 --- 「李六點」

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陳健成. / "2009年8月". / "2009 nian 8 yue". / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 103-111). / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Chen Jiancheng. / Chapter 第一章 --- 明代經世思想及經世文編之研究回顧 --- p.頁 1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 明代經世文編的規模 / Chapter 第一節 --- 「明代經世文編」所指涉的文集 --- p.頁22 / Chapter 第二節 --- 明代經文編的編成年代及卷帙 --- p.頁27 / Chapter 第三節 --- 明代經世文編規模之沿革 --- p.頁31 / 小結 --- p.頁54 / Chapter 第三章 --- 明代經世文編的編者及編輯思想 / Chapter 第一節 --- 編者們的編輯動機及經世思想 --- p.頁61 / Chapter 第二節 --- 編者們的編選原則 --- p.頁66 / 小結 --- p.頁72 / Chapter 第四章 --- 明代經世文編的内容主題 / Chapter 第一節 --- 分析的基準 --- p.頁74 / Chapter 第二節 --- 選文的內容大概和關注重點 --- p.頁81 / Chapter 第三節 --- 經世文編的內容特色 --- p.頁84 / 小結 --- p.頁97 / 結論 --- p.頁100 / 參考書目 --- p.頁102

Wong, Ho Yin. / Thesis submitted in: October 2008. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 265-275). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Abstract --- p.ii / 緒論 --- p.iii / Acknowledgement --- p.iv / Abbreviations --- p.ix / List of Tables --- p.ix / Chapter Chapter 1: --- Introductory Chapter --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- The Two Research Questions --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3 --- Significance of Studying the DPJ --- p.6 / Chapter 1.4 --- Dissertation Framework --- p.7 / Chapter 1.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.12 / Chapter Chapter 2: --- Background of Japanese Politics --- p.14 / Chapter 2.1 --- Opposition Failure in Japan --- p.15 / Chapter 2.2 --- External Constraints Faced by Opposition Parties --- p.17 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Electoral System --- p.17 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Electoral Campaign Law --- p.21 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- Clientelism and Centralized Government Financial Structure --- p.22 / Chapter 2.2.4 --- Party Organization of the LDP --- p.23 / Chapter 2.2.5 --- Voting Behavior --- p.27 / Chapter 2.2.6 --- Press Club System --- p.28 / Chapter 2.2.7 --- Conclusion --- p.31 / Chapter 2.3 --- Opposition Fragmentation in Japanese Politics --- p.32 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- Opposition Fragmentation under the 55´ة System --- p.32 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- Opposition Cooperation and the Break Down of the 55´ة System --- p.37 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- The New Party System and Opposition Coalition Failure --- p.39 / Chapter 2.3.4 --- The NFP Internal Fragmentation --- p.43 / Chapter 2.4 --- Opposition Failure and the DPJ --- p.48 / Chapter 2.4.1 --- The Emergence of the DPJ --- p.49 / Chapter 2.4.2 --- The Expansion of the DPJ --- p.52 / Chapter 2.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.54 / Chapter Chapter 3: --- Theory and Methodology --- p.57 / Chapter 3.1 --- Party System --- p.58 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Four Attributes of a Party System --- p.58 / Chapter 3.1.1.1 --- Number of Parties --- p.59 / Chapter 3.1.1.2 --- Relative Strength and Size --- p.59 / Chapter 3.1.1.3 --- Structure of Competition --- p.60 / Chapter 3.1.1.4 --- Cleavage System --- p.61 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Two Propositions of Party System Change --- p.62 / Chapter 3.1.2.1 --- Cleavage System as a Determinant of Party System --- p.62 / Chapter 3.1.2.2 --- Party System as a System of Interaction --- p.65 / Chapter 3.2 --- Party Organization --- p.68 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Electoral Competition Perspective --- p.69 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Sociological Perspective --- p.72 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Institutional Perspective --- p.75 / Chapter 3.2.3.1 --- Genetic Model --- p.76 / Chapter 3.2.3.2 --- Institutionalization --- p.77 / Chapter 3.2.3.3 --- Implication of the Institutional Perspective --- p.78 / Chapter 3.2.3.4 --- Conclusion --- p.80 / Chapter 3.3 --- Media --- p.81 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Role of Media --- p.81 / Chapter 3.3.1.1 --- Media as Neutral Transmitter --- p.82 / Chapter 3.3.1.2 --- Media as Watchdog --- p.83 / Chapter 3.3.1.3 --- Media as Servant --- p.84 / Chapter 3.3.1.4 --- "Media as “Trickster""" --- p.86 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Media Effect --- p.87 / Chapter 3.3.2.1 --- Short-term Effect --- p.88 / Chapter 3.3.2.1.1 --- Agenda-Setting --- p.88 / Chapter 3.3.2.1.2 --- Framing --- p.88 / Chapter 3.3.2.1.3 --- Promote Image Campaign --- p.90 / Chapter 3.3.2.2 --- Long-term Effect --- p.91 / Chapter 3.3.2.2.1 --- Political Involvement --- p.91 / Chapter 3.4 --- Methodology --- p.93 / Chapter 3.4.1 --- Assessing Party Organization --- p.93 / Chapter 3.4.1.1 --- First-hand and Second-hand Interview --- p.94 / Chapter 3.4.1.2 --- Documentary Research --- p.94 / Chapter 3.4.1.3 --- Content Analysis on Politicians´ة Statements --- p.95 / Chapter 3.4.1.4 --- Counting on Distribution of Posts --- p.95 / Chapter 3.4.2 --- Assessing Media Strategy of the DPJ --- p.96 / Chapter 3.4.2.1 --- Documentary Research --- p.96 / Chapter 3.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.97 / Chapter Chapter 4: --- Internal Coherence of the DPJ --- p.99 / Chapter 4.1 --- Factionalism in the DPJ --- p.100 / Chapter 4.2 --- Three Dimensions of Conflict --- p.104 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Traditional Ideological Conflict --- p.105 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Former Party Affiliation Conflict --- p.106 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- Generation Conflict --- p.107 / Chapter 4.3 --- Leadership of the DPJ --- p.108 / Chapter 4.4 --- Existing Literatures Explaining the DPJ Unification --- p.112 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- Electoral System --- p.113 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- Internal Balance of Selective Incentives --- p.114 / Chapter 4.4.3 --- Criticism towards Existing Explanations --- p.115 / Chapter 4.5 --- Three Factors Unifying the DPJ --- p.119 / Chapter 4.5.1 --- Leadership Manipulation in Party Organization --- p.122 / Chapter 4.5.1.1 --- Bottom-up Policy Making Process --- p.123 / Chapter 4.5.1.2 --- Balanced Leadership System --- p.127 / Chapter 4.5.1.3 --- Arrangement in the Merger with LP --- p.130 / Chapter 4.5.1.4 --- Conclusion --- p.133 / Chapter 4.5.2 --- Collective Incentive of the DPJ --- p.134 / Chapter 4.5.2.1 --- Role of Leadership in Collective Incentive --- p.136 / Chapter 4.5.2.2 --- Differentiation with the LDP --- p.140 / Chapter 4.5.2.3 --- Politicians´ة Conformity --- p.142 / Chapter 4.5.2.3.1 --- The Analysis --- p.144 / Chapter 4.5.2.3.2 --- Analysis Result --- p.146 / Chapter 4.5.2.3.3 --- Conclusion --- p.148 / Chapter 4.5.2.4 --- Conclusion --- p.150 / Chapter 4.5.3 --- Selective Incentive of the DPJ --- p.151 / Chapter 4.5.3.1 --- The Analysis on Party Post --- p.155 / Chapter 4.5.3.1.1 --- Standing Officers Council Post --- p.155 / Chapter 4.5.3.1.2 --- Next Cabinet --- p.163 / Chapter 4.5.3.2 --- The Analysis on Diet Post --- p.169 / Chapter 4.5.3.2.1 --- HR Post --- p.172 / Chapter 4.5.3.2.2 --- HC Post --- p.174 / Chapter 4.5.3.3 --- Conclusion --- p.176 / Chapter 4.6 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.178 / Chapter Chapter 5: --- Media Strategy and Electoral Support of the DPJ --- p.181 / Chapter 5.1 --- Electoral Performance of the DPJ --- p.181 / Chapter 5.2 --- Explanations towards the DPJ Electoral Performance --- p.186 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- Structural Perspective --- p.186 / Chapter 5.2.1.1 --- Electoral System --- p.187 / Chapter 5.2.1.2 --- Changing Societal Ideology --- p.190 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- Party Organization Perspective --- p.192 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- Voting Behavior Perspective --- p.194 / Chapter 5.2.4 --- Criticism towards these Explanations --- p.196 / Chapter 5.3 --- Support Base of the DPJ --- p.197 / Chapter 5.3.1 --- Unaffiliated Voters and DPJ Support --- p.200 / Chapter 5.3.2 --- Characteristics of Unaffiliated Voters --- p.202 / Chapter 5.3.3 --- Mobilization of Unaffiliated Voters --- p.205 / Chapter 5.3.4 --- Media and Unaffiliated Voters --- p.208 / Chapter 5.3.5 --- Conclusion --- p.212 / Chapter 5.4 --- Media Strategies of the DPJ --- p.213 / Chapter 5.4.1 --- Image and Popularity Promotion of the DPJ before 2001 --- p.215 / Chapter 5.4.1.1 --- Popularity Promotion Campaign --- p.215 / Chapter 5.4.1.2 --- Image Promotion Campaign --- p.217 / Chapter 5.4.1.3 --- Clarify Party Vision Campaign --- p.218 / Chapter 5.4.1.4 --- Development of New Media Channels --- p.219 / Chapter 5.4.1.5 --- Conclusion --- p.221 / Chapter 5.4.2 --- Policy Oriented Strategy and the Manifesto --- p.222 / Chapter 5.4.2.1 --- Adjustment in Party Organization --- p.223 / Chapter 5.4.2.2 --- Publications in Promoting Policy --- p.224 / Chapter 5.4.2.3 --- Policy-Oriented Electoral Campaign and Manifesto --- p.225 / Chapter 5.4.2.4 --- New Media in Policy-Oriented Campaign --- p.227 / Chapter 5.4.2.5 --- Conclusion --- p.229 / Chapter 5.4.3 --- The 2005 HR Election Defeat and Strategic Campaign --- p.229 / Chapter 5.4.3.1 --- Koizumi´ةs Success in Media Campaign --- p.230 / Chapter 5.4.3.2 --- The DPJ Failure in Media Campaign --- p.232 / Chapter 5.4.3.3 --- Party Organization Adjustment in Strategic Promotion Campaign --- p.235 / Chapter 5.4.3.4 --- Focuses in Strategic Promotion Campaign --- p.236 / Chapter 5.4.3.5 --- New Media in Strategic Promotion Campaign --- p.238 / Chapter 5.4.3.6 --- Strategic Promotion Campaign and the 2007 HC Election --- p.238 / Chapter 5.4.3.7 --- Conclusion --- p.239 / Chapter 5.5 --- Chapter Conclusion --- p.240 / Chapter Chapter 6: --- Conclusion Chapter --- p.242 / Chapter 6.1 --- Summary --- p.243 / Chapter 6.2 --- Theoretical Reflection --- p.246 / Chapter 6.3 --- Current Issues of the DPJ --- p.250 / Chapter 6.4 --- Further Works --- p.254 / Appendix I: Interview Record with a DPJ Officer --- p.257 / Appendix II: Interview Record with Professor Kabashima Ikuo --- p.262 / Bibliography --- p.265

The problem being investigated is the historical situation relating to two independent MPs holding the balance of power in the Australian House of Representatives in 1940 and 1941. The two MPs, Arthur Coles and Alex Wilson, supported the conservative Menzies and Fadden governments before shifting their support (on October 3 1941) to the Labor Party led by Curtin. The procedure followed is the examination, in the form of a historical narrative, of primary evidence in private papers (such as Coles???s), analysis of Hansard (CPD), local and metropolitan newspapers. Also examined are references to the two independents in secondary literature. The key focus of interest will be the idea that chance or serendipity played a major role in achieving all the key outcomes which many Australians (and historians like Hasluck) often otherwise depict as the triumph of good sense within a supposedly non-problematic twoparty political system which self-selected the best possible leadership during time of war. Coles took over the seat of a popular Cabinet minister who had died in an air disaster. Coles???s and Wilson???s holding the balance of power was another extreme aberration, as no House of Representatives from 1906 to 1940, and none since, has not had either of the two party blocs (Labor and anti-Labor) without a majority. Hasluck, the most influential historian of Australian politics during the 1939-1945 war, viewed the fact of Coles???s and Wilson???s serendipity as evidence, in itself, of their wider historical, ideological and political irrelevance. The general results obtained by pursuing a critical historical narrative approach is that a strong counter-argument has been developed that suggests that Hasluck (and wider historical memory) has insufficiently valued as historical factors Coles???s and Wilson???s ideological aims. Coles was a representative of business progressivism and Wilson of agrarian socialism. The major conclusion reached is that Coles???s and Wilson???s wider aims led them to adopt the tactic of timing their shift to Labor so as to maximize their ideological influence on the Labor administration that would result whenever they decided to exercise their entirely serendipitously attained balance of power.

This study attempts to (1) determine the validity of the claim that Pakistan was demanded and achieved on the basis of Islamic Ideology, and (2) assess the pre-partition views of the Muslim leaders concerning the polity of Pekistan. The first chapter is a brief survey of the historical background from 1357 - 1930 demonstrating the forces effecting Islamic conciousness and separatism. Chapter Two analyzes Muhammad Iqbal's religio-political thought as it emphasized Islamic Ideology and motivated religious modernism. The balance of the study indicates the increase in the Muslim ambition for religio-political autonomy. The Islamic ideal is further magnified. With the advent of the demand for Pakistan, this ideal united Muslims of divergent views behind the Pakistan cause. Individual differences were set aside but proclamations of the "ideal" brought out two distinct viewpoints: Modernist and Traditionalist. Both agreed on the Islamic Ideal, but differed in interpreting its implementation.