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A plural society is like the proverbial iceberg: looking at it is not tantamount to seeing the whole of it. No amount of idealism can erase diversities as long as the stimulants which generate these diversities are rife. Only political maturity and political experience can overcome the separatist trends of a splintered society. Until the foundations for such maturity and experience are firmly laid, politics in such a society will remain complicated and confused, and nationalism will continue being a vicious abstraction. Communalism has become the cardinal problem of the Federation of Malaya. The peoples of the country are of different racial origins, conform to different social patterns, follow different courses of occupation, exhibit territorial preferences and, consequently, tend to have divergent political aspirations. Indeed, the most conspicuous demographic fact about the Federation rests in the balance of numerical power between the indigenous and immigrant segments of the population. Today, the former is outnumbered by the latter. Broadly speaking, herein lie the roots of the problem. It is the purpose of the following study to identify and analyse the influences exerted by communal factors in the political development of the Federation of Malaya. The first chapter is aimed at placing the communal problem in the country in its proper historical and political perspective. The creation of Malaya's plural society is analysed, followed by a study of the inter- and intra-communal diversities which have been so responsible for complicating the Malayan political scene. The chapter also discusses the impact of the Japanese occupation, both on inter-communal relations as well as on the country's nascent nationalism. Chapter two is based primarily on an analysis of Great Britain's attempt at political experimentation in Malaya during the first few years immediately following the war. As such, discussion is focussed on the two constitutional proposals (namely, the Malayan Union proposals of 1946 and the Federation Agreement of 1948) which form the main body of this experimentation. The period in question is made particularly significant by the fact that British policy during this time was considerably influenced by the reactions and aspirations of the different communities. Included in the chapter is a less detailed survey of some of the more important developments during the first decade after the war. Chapter three, on Political Parties, is designed to give a better understanding to present day politics in the country. It is also hoped that this chapter will give adequate insight into the present racial paradox, for today's co-operation was achieved largely through the alliance, for inter-communal purposes, of three parties (the United Malays' National Organization, the Malayan Chinese Association, and the Malayan Indian Congress) which, not so long ago, were organized for the distinct purpose of furthering the individual interests of the country's three main racial groups. This makes a study of the country's political parties a necessity if one is to sufficiently understand the principal features involved in the Federation's attempt to solve the so-called "population puzzle". In a broad sense, it may be observed that the present Malayan nation is the child of immigration. The country's economic potentialities (coupled with the impoverished condition of labour in India and China) have been responsible for luring a flood of immigrants who, today, have become a part of the settled population and hence demand rights equal to those of the indigenous Malays. The problem which needs to be solved is the extent to which these demands deserve to be satisfied. Thus a study of Malayan politics at once becomes interesting to both the political historian as well as the political sociologist. Nor is it void of interest to the political theorist, to whom the problem of successful representative government in a plural society, involving such controversial issues as the representation of minorities, has always constituted an absorbing field of study. The Federation of Malaya appears to have solved this problem to an appreciable extent, as evidenced by the electorate's voting behaviour during the country's first (and, to date, only) national elections held in July 1955. The results have been most gratifying, not only insofar as present socio political expedience is concerned, but also with regard to future stability. Issues pertaining to citizenship rights, involving, on the one hand, the demand for less stringent regulations from the non-Malays and, on the other, the necessity to preserve, for political as well as economic reasons, the "special position" accorded to the Malays, have always presented the country's administrators with a very trying problem. Consequently, the interests of two distinct groups (as represented by the "indigenous Malays on the one hand and the "alien" Chinese and Indians on the other) have had to be placated. While the Malays are apprehensive of the fact that lenient citizenship requirements would make them a political minority in their own country (which they already are numerically), the Chinese and Indians demand equal rights stating that, in addition to having made invaluable contributions to the economic development of the country, they also have, especially in post-war years, changed from a primarily non-resident population to a largely resident one. Compromises have had to be made, but opposition has always been significant. From this standpoint, the present Constitution is of particular importance, since the compromises inherent in it have had to be effected by the different races themselves (through the instrumentality of the UMNO-MCA-MIC Alliance), and now it is also up to them to implement it. Those articles in the Constitution related to communal issues will be the focus for discussion in chapter five. The encouraging potentialities which the present appears to hold for the future of the Malayan nation is a tribute not only to the races resident therein, but also to the flexibility and good sense displayed by British policy. / Arts, Faculty of / Vancouver School of Economics / Graduate

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Boston University Abstract: leaves 753-757. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 740-752). Microfilm. s / The purpose of this dissertation is to examine the treatment of Negro-white relations in Methodist curriculum materials for intermediate youth, published 1941-1960, to discover trends, emphases, and implications for editorial policy. This study is set in an historical, cultural, and theological context. The historical trend of Negro-white relations in American society is toward increasing justice, equality, and integration, with the Second World War and the 1954 Supreme Court decision as recent pivotal developments. Methodist history reveals a gradual evolution in the direction of full Negro quality and an interracial church, despite the continued existence of the Central Jurisdiction. These trends are confirmed by official Methodist pronouncements and representative Methodist opinion. The principles they reflect are firmly based on the implications of Methodist theology as interpreted by the Articles of Religion, Social Creed, and official statements of curriculum philosophy. In determining the extent to which the materials reflect this context, six basic questions are asked: Do the materials reflect or challenge prevailing racial attitudes, practices, and theories of society and church? Is race relations discussed primarily in general or specific terms? Are action suggestions intended for broad, universal application or focused on particular situations? Do pictures lead to identification with or rejection of the Negro? Are theological consideration peripheral or basic to the treatment of race? Are the lessons dealing with race concentrated or balanced in the various quarters of the church school year, periods of the twenty-year study, and types of materials? To answer these questions the materials are examined from five approaches. A descriptive analysis cites representative and significant references. A quantitative analysis notes in each publication the distribution of lessons dealing with race in the church school year. A summary analysis points up trends and emphases in the individual materials. A composite analysis outlines overall pattern and policy. And a comparative analysis determines differences among the three graded and five functional types of materials. Findings from these analyses produce certain conclusions. Intermediate editorial policy: 1. Is committed to racial justice, equality, and integration, and to the use of the materials to help eradicate discrimination. 2. Encourages discussion of the theories of race and prejudice in thought patterns paralleling those of society and the church. 3. Is more concerned about the race problem in society than about improving the racial situation in the church. 4. Reflects the growing attentions paid to the Methodist racial issues by the General Conference in increased emphasis on the improvement of race relations in the church. 5. Takes the General Conference position on race as its standard. 6. Offers little opportunity for influencing opinion in the church beyond the limit of official endorsement. 7. Tends to trat race in general rather than specific terms, stressing the theological principles of the fatherhood of God, brotherhood of man, and attitudes of Jesus much more heavily than criticisms of general problems. 8. When dealing with race in concrete terms, indicates relevance by majoring on issues close to the lives of intermediates and assigning action responsibility to persons most likely to be influenced by the materials. 9. Relies on the "white man's rank order of discriminations" in avoiding mention of Negro-white home visits and intermarriage. 10. Contradicts the usually relevant character of group graded materials and fellowship programs by heavy dependence on the general in preference to the specific. 11. Favors increased expression of appreciation for the Negro, but stresses passive over aggressive leaders as objects of identification. 12. Exhibits in story papers a pronounced tendency to stereotype the Negro in word and picture. 13. Stresses the role of the individual in effecting change in the racial situation, while largely ignoring the influence of organized social action, legislation, and planned policy. 14. Directs more action proposals to the South in times of crisis. 15. Exhibits in broadly graded materials a contradictory tendency in utilizing their potential influence: focusing action proposals on the South where the materials are widely used, byt placing much more emphasis on the need for change in society than in the church. 16. While favoring respect for and identification with the Negro in the use of pictures, appears hesitant to portray Negroes in integrated situations which would indirectly encourage interracial contacts, and also permits occasional portrayal of stereotypes and poorly-defines features. 17. Assigns considerable importance to the use of theological and biblical statements - particularly doctrines related to man - in support of racial attitudes. 18. Adheres closely to the standards set by the theological foundations of curriculum and the implications of Methodist theology. 19. Is responsive to the recent revival of theology in Methodism. 20. Provides for the treatment of race in an adequate share of intermediate lessons. 21. Is affected by the idealism of the postwar period and the tension and controversy precipitated by the Supreme Court decision. 22. Exhibits a readiness to deal with this controversial subject during seasons of high attendance and circulation - spring and winter. 23. Increasingly favors discussion of race during brotherhood month. 24. encourages increasing use of lessons focusing on Negro-white relations or related themes rather than incidental references in lessons mainly devoted to other topics. 25. Places the most emphasis on Negro-white relations in closely graded materials and story papers, and the least in broadly graded and fellowship programs. 26. Tends to try to influence the racial attitudes of pupils through the teacher, providing for a generally constructive and helpful approach to teaching about race in the helps, though with some shortcomings. 27. Exhibits increasing awareness of the relationship between worship and the development of wholesome racial attitude. 28. Reflects in the relative uniformity in the references to race of most of the materials the continuity of youth editorship over much of the twenty years and the sharing of writers by the periodicals. The following implications for editorial policy emerge when these conclusions are compared with the trends of history, the official Methodist position, and the implications of Methodist theology: 1. Accommodation to the cultural patterns of racial inequity should be eliminated. 2. The treatment of race should be made more specific. 3. A balance should be maintained between broad, universal action proposals and those more limited in focus. 4. More pictures should be used to encourage interracial contacts and identification with the Negro. 5. Theological and biblical considerations should be kept basic to the racial discussion. 6. The present frequency of lessons dealing with race should be continued. 7. A relatively even balance should be maintained in the distribution of the lessons dealing with race in the church school year. 8. Treatment of Negro-white relations should be more timely, incisive, and relevant. 9. The handling of the racial issue should be consistent in all types of materials. 10. More variety in approach is needed.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze twelve contemporary fiction books dealing with Negro-white relationships and to draw tentative conclusions as to their influence for better understanding between the white Southerner and the Negro. The danger of unchecked prejudice and discrimination cannot be minimized or ignored in the South today. On the contrary there is a desperate urgency, a frantic need for abatement of the seemingly headlong plunge toward the chasm created by the 1954 and 1955 Supreme Court decisions in the public school segregation cases. / Typescript. / "August, 1956." / "Submitted to the Graduate Council of Florida State University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Science." / Advisor: Dwight L. Burton, Professor Directing Paper. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 46-48).

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This study investigated the level of trust of whites and self-esteem as a function of reported exposure to racial discrimination. It was hypothesized that participants reporting high levels of racial discrimination would be less trusting of whites and have lower self concepts than those reporting low levels of exposure to racism. A total of 84 undergraduates were administered three measures designed to assess the amount of exposure to racial discrimination, self-esteem and cultural mistrust. No relationship was found between extent of exposure to racial discrimination and level of self concept. However, mistrust of whites among blacks was found to be related to frequency of exposure to racial discrimination.

My dissertation, "America's New Racial Heroes," is the first full-length intellectual history examining the fascination with mixed race people that has been concurrent with the stereotypes that pathologize them. Through five moments in United States history, this project asks what the idea of racially mixed people does for America, uncovering a set of vanguards who suggested that, rather than fear racial mixing, we should embrace it as a means to live up to ideals of equality and inclusion, thus benefiting the nation as a whole. Whether the subject is abolitionist Wendell Phillips's defense of racial amalgamation, the popularity of the Melting Pot trope, Time Magazine's 1993 New Face of America issue, or the promises of a "Multiracial" category on the 2000 census, similar notions regarding novelty, progress, and utopia repeat themselves. Rounding out "America's New Racial Heroes" is an examination of contemporary praise of ambiguity at the same time Americans wish for quantifiable racial makeup. Overall, this project warns against the giddy hope that racially mixed people alone can solve America's racial problems. I have several models in bringing together these five cases, including George M. Fredrickson's The Black Image in the White Mind, Philip J. Deloria's Playing Indian, and Robert Lee's Orientals. Each of these shows how discourses of science, nationality, and popular culture shape the identities of dominant and minority groups concurrently. Like these works, my project brings together archival research, cultural studies readings, and theories of racial formation to examine how pro-mixing advocates situate themselves within their own contexts and resonate through time. This work on mixed race identity has many intersections with both fields, accentuating the richness that can result from comparative, ethnic studies work across disciplinary boundaries. / text