No / France has had a long history of struggle with various forms of terrorism and over the past decade has achieved particular success against Algerian Islamic terrorist groups - the GIA and GSPC - with close links to Al-Qaeda. This article reviews France's experience of terrorism since the end of the Second World War and details the evolving state responses to these challenges and the sophisticated anti-terrorist apparatus that now serves the French state. It then considers the role of France in the post-11 September 'war on terrorism' and argues that France remains in the front-line of the struggle against Al-Qaeda and that the French experience has much to contribute to the international war against Islamic terrorism.

Yes / The Russo-Chechen conflict, arguably the bloodiest confrontation in Europe since World War II, only attracts the attention of the Western media when the Chechens stage terrorist ‘spectaculars’ such as the ‘Nord-Ost’ or Beslan school sieges. Putin's uncompromisingly tough line against the Chechens is popular among an ethnic Russian electorate traumatised since its own ‘Black September’ in 1999. Since 9/11 this conflict has been presented almost exclusively as Russia's frontline in the international ‘war on terrorism’. All Chechens who oppose Putin's policies in Chechnya are dismissed as ‘terrorists’ and ‘bandits’. Yet a satisfactory political resolution of the conflict seems far off; thousands of Chechen civilians continue to suffer and die. Russia's attempt at ‘Chechenisation’ of the conflict appears to have achieved its ‘Palestinisation’. How far has the policy of demonising the Chechens, which helped Yeltsin and Putin to launch their respective wars, become a major obstacle to peace in Chechnya?

No

Thesis (M.M.A.S.)--U.S. Army Command and General Staff College, 2007. / Cover title. AD-A475 516. Includes bibliographical references. Electronic version available on the Public STINET.

The purpose of this study is to measure and examine whether terrorism continues to be highly feared and over-predicted, whether exposure to mass or news media influences perceptions of terrorism, whether mass media remains a significant source of information on terrorism related matters and whether people are prepared to act in the event of a terrorist attack. The respondents in this research consisted of a sample of 135 students aged 18 and over, at a participating mid-size university in a southern state, who completed a self-reported online survey on voluntary basis. The findings of the study suggests that the respondents access terrorism related news-media on both weekly and daily basis. Those with frequent access tend to overestimate the likelihood of a domestic terrorist attack and the threat posed by terrorism and tend to show higher levels of fear associated with terrorism. The majority of the respondents indicated average access of news-media of once or twice a week, or no use at all and they tend to not overestimate the likelihood of a terrorist attack, indicate some or no fear in relation to terrorism and tend to have more accurate perception of the current threat posed by terrorism.

Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2006. / Thesis Advisor(s): Kalev Sepp. "December 2006." AD-A462 564. Includes bibliographical references (p.83-89). Also available via the World Wide Web.

Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited. / The Philippines is one of the foremost supporters of the Global War on Terrorism (GWOT), responding to the call for robust counter-terrorism (CT) measures through policy and legislation, intelligence-sharing, and military and law enforcement cooperation. As a strategic ally, the United States (US) has renewed political and security relations with Manila, strained since the base closures in 1991; Washington has given hundreds of millions of dollars in military and economic aid since 9/11. However, instead of improving the country's CT capabilities to eradicate terrorism, the GWOT and related US policy have created a cyclical incentive structure: certain actors within the government, military, and insurgency groups in the Philippines profit politically and financially from US aid and the warlike conditions, and thus sustain, at a minimum, a presence of conflict and terrorism in order to continue drawing future benefits. This paper will investigate how such actors profit from the GWOT and perpetuate conflict, as well as examine the implications of these finding and recommendations on future US policy and Philippine counter-terrorism efforts. / Captain, United States Air Force

CHDS State/Local / As the threat of domestic terrorism increases and the demands on Emergency Responders and the public intensify, a more distributed, efficient, and flexible training and collaboration model is needed to guide future efforts. The current blended learning strategy unintentionally limits collaboration. As learners move away from interactive learning to more static based solutions, continuing education and collaboration is severely limited. This research investigates the potential impact of Homeland Security Communities of Learning on information sharing, training costs, and innovation. This study reviewed current efforts in Internet-based interactive learning through an analysis of Networked Based Learning. A futures forecast was conducted identifying trends and events that may influence the future of Communities of Learning. The research findings support the creation of Homeland Security Communities of Learning that are designed to include collaborative technologies such that information sharing leads to enhanced capabilities and innovation. A strong correlation (r=.798) was attributed to the degree to which Networked Based Learning contributed to knowledge accumulation. The study presents a strategic plan, implementation framework, and Community of Learning pilot. The pilot includes previously excluded participants from non-Emergency Responder public and private stakeholders. Additionally the pilot identifies a significant cost savings with Communities of Learning. / Deputy Chief, Sacramento Police Department

As terrorism continues to evolve, can we better understand when a terrorist group will utilize mass violence as opposed to targeted violence? Jeff Goodwin argues that by understanding societal factors, we can predict when a terrorist organization will choose selective or categorical terrorism. But, can we rely on these societal factors alone or can other factors allow for a more complex understanding? After testing each of the variables and additional factors against three case studies, it became apparent that Goodwin’s theory could be utilized to better understand when a terrorist organization will utilize selective versus categorical terrorism. Additionally, the presence or absence of a culture of honor may also predict the type of violence a terrorist organization will utilize. I propose that future research examine the relationship between target and violence type and a culture of honor.

Faculty of Humanities School of Social Sciences 0413346n Wanguimaina@hotmail.com / This research report is a study of US foreign policy towards Kenya. The context of the study is informed by the role that the US played in Kenya’s democratisation process in the post-Cold War era, the 1998 US embassy attacks in Kenya, and US policy following the events of 11 September 2001. The study sets out to examine how these events subsequently affected the domestic policies of Kenya. It identifies the continuities and new avenues of the bilateral relations between Kenya and the US. Democracy, terrorism and US foreign policy are the underlying factors of the study.