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In recent decades the ongoing rise of refugee populations around the world has provided a unique opportunity to study the impact of forced migrations on the identities of individuals and collectivities. The simultaneous emergence of the novel social phenomenon of 'refugee societies' has captured anthropological interest in the way in which 'refugee identity' is currently imagined and represented. A useful entry point for exploring representations of 'refugee' identity within a new culture of refugees is found in the recurrent notion of suffering. 'Suffering' is conceptualized here as an ideological grammar that characterizes a variety of language games contained in a broader 'language of suffering'. Focus is directed towards the 'medical dialect of suffering' and its role in articulating the identities of refugees and representing their experiences of suffering. Medical discourse, practices, and technologies can drive the transformation of the categorical 'refugee' identity into a 'medicalized' and 'traumatized' identity: revealing how medicine not only reflects cultural meanings of suffering, but can also project new cultural meanings of suffering. The relevant case of Afghan refugees illustrates how cultural identities can be conceptualized as shifting, strategic, and multiplicitous---realities that can be a blend of both coherency and contradiction.

This study consisted of qualitative interviews with six Afghan political leaders who served as cabinet members in the Afghan government prior to the Soviet invasion. The study sought to report the political conditions in Afghanistan based on the direct experiences and the reflections of these leaders whose titles and names remain anonymous.The data were collected and analyzed using a modified version of Spradley's Developmental Research Sequence Writing methodology. The data included field notes gathered from numerous interviews, casual conversations, tape recording, library research and documents provided by the informants.The rivalries that prevented political unity during the war of resistance have exacerbated the quest for power now that the common enemy, the Soviet Union and Afghan-Marxist regimes, has disappeared from the scene. No credible social or political within the country to initiate and promote political reconciliation. Each group appears to be attempting a unilateral solution to the national crisis. The great majority of Afghans are not only left out of the political process, but are also held hostage to the confrontation between competing groups whose political and military strategies is the elimination, or at best exclusion, of other competing groups. Dangerously, none of the powerful group's adversaries has given up the idea of war as the institution or nationally acceptable leadership is available instrument of political settlement. Among political leaders there is still much in Afghan political culture that is basically hostile to open and competitive politics. / Department of Educational Leadership

Uni., Dipl.-Arb./07--Potsdam, 2006.

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The purpose of this thesis is to examine the factors affecting the repatriation of Afghan refugees living in Pakistan, by using data collected in these refugee camps, during the Fall of 1988.

The general purpose for conducting this study was to develop a student teaching program for the training of prospective teachers. The intent was to discover potential approaches to strengthening student teaching programs currently in use in Afghanistan, and thereby create a new and potentially stronger teacher training program in the teacher training institutions in Afghanistan.The following major areas were emphasized in the review of the related literature.1. The value of student teaching experience in teacher training programs.2. The student teacher attitude changes which have resulted from the student teaching experience.3. The role of the college student teaching supervisor.4. The role of the classroom supervising teacher.5. Evaluation of student teaching.A questionnaire based upon the review of the related literature was developed and mailed to a selected sample of eighty-three teacher training colleges and universities located in twenty-six countries and encompassing five continents. The questionnaire was designed to gather information concerning current student teaching programs.Completed questionnaires were returned by forty-two representatives of teacher training colleges located in twelve countries. The data derived from the questionnaire were classified according to (1) the location of the country in which the teacher college was located, that is, whether the country was located in the same geographical region as Afghanistan, or (2) whether the country was located outside the immediate Afghanistan.Responses to the questionnaire were tabulated and analyzed. Analysis of the questionnaire data and the review of related literature and research led to the following findings which established guidelines for the development of a proposed student teaching program for Afghanistan.1. Joint planning of student teaching experiences by student teacher and college supervisor is of great importance in the training of student teachers.2. Classroom teaching by student teachers under the supervision of a college supervisor is valuable in student teaching activities.3. Student teacher involvement in extra classroom activities is valuable in the training experiences of student teachers.4. Joint planning of student teaching experiences by the student teacher and classroom supervising teacher is significant in the training of student teachers.5. The judgement of the classroom supervising teacher has a significant role in evaluating of student teachers.6. Student teachers should be required to have student teaching experiences in more than one classroom situation.Based upon the findings as guidelines, the purposes and objectives of the proposed student teaching program for Afghanistan were identified and the proposed student teaching program was developed. In the proposed program the emphasis was on four basic components of student teaching activities: the role and responsibilities of student teachers; the role and responsibilities of classroom supervising teachers; the role and responsibilities of the college supervisor; and the evaluation of student teachers. Recommendations were given for further research.

Honors Project--Smith College, Northampton, Mass., 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 91-103).

Diss.--Freie Universität Berlin. / Bibliography: p. 221-232.

This study is the outcome of research carried out during my involvement with the Afghan resistance movement within Afghanistan and in Pakistan from 1983 to 1990. During this period I was associated with resistance groups in various parts of Afghanistan, particularly Kunar province. The enormous human sacrifice among the Afghan people finally forced the Soviets to withdraw their troops from Afghanistan. The anti-Communist resistance operated largely under the leadership of the ulama as well as the members of the intelligentsia. The decade-long struggle against the regime in Kabul and against the Soviets, has resulted in a tremendous socio-economic and political transformation in addition to the loss of hundreds of thousands of lives and the dislocation of millions of Afghans. Most of the former traditional leaders have lost or are losing power. They have been replaced by the ulama or young field commanders from relatively modest backgrounds. This study examines the emergence of the ulama as the new leaders in Nuristani society. Traditionally the ulama have played a very active role in national politics and have mobilized the masses in the name of Islam against the invaders. However, in the present crisis the ulama have been even more prominent than usual in the forefront of national and international politics. This study attempts to identify the socio-economic and political factors that were instrumental for the shift of the leadership pattern from the traditional elite to the ulama and commanders. Will the ulama be able to provide a viable socio-economic and political agenda? Will they be capable of sustaining ideological and financial support from other Islamic countries? These are the main questions found by the ulama and the commanders. The answers are not likely to emerge in the immediate future. Whatever happens the ulama and commanders will continue to remain a socio-political force in the future.