Thesis (MA.(Church History)--University of Pretoria, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-142).

The Maori and the Missionary before 1840. At the time of the British annexation of New Zealand, there existed no optimistic section of opinion in Britain as to the effect of European colonization on aboriginal races. Experience had showed that colonization of areas of the globe occupied by native races inevitably brought the disintergration, and eventual extinction even, of the original barbarous inhabitants. Humanitarian sentiment was strong in England especially in the Colonial Office itself, and humanitarianism was not linked with enthusiasm to extend the British sphere to lands already occupied by the coloured. Missionary activity in such areas was favoured by the authorities, - there was no opposition to any plan to civilize the pagan, but there was no desire to assume official responsibility for such activities. It has never been disputed that the assumption of sovereignty in New Zealand was forced upon the British Government by the precipitate actions of the New Zealand Company, and that the Colonial Office would have been content to allow the missionaries to continue with their task undisturbed. But when annexation became inevitable, the missionary activities in the country were taken into account; the Imperial Government accepted responsibility with the intention of protecting the natives from the designs of Europeans. This fact was to bear important results for the future of the aboriginal inhabitants of New Zealand. It has been maintained that the Maori race was in itself sufficiently aggressive and proud to have withstood the inevitable process of decay and extinction when faced by the European colonization of its country. Whether this would have been so or not, was not to be tested, but certainly there was no precedent set for such a romantic view. The Maori was to vindicate himself and to maintain his position in spite of the white flood that flowed in upon him in overwhelming numbers. That this was so was largely due not to maintain his place as a force to be reckoned with, but to the missionaries in his midst, who had prepared him for the adjustment to the Pakeha system, and who remained the protectors of his rights after British colonization was established.

Thesis (doctoral)--Københavns universitet. / Summary in English. Includes bibliographical references (p. 334-341).

Thesis (Th. M.)--St. Vladimir's Orthodox Theological Seminary, 2008. / Description based on microfiche version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 206-220).

The present thesis endeavors to identify the context out of which the conceptual category of heresy initially emerged within early Christianity. As such, it will not focus on any single heresy or heresiological issue, but rather on the emergence of the notion of heresy itself. The context proposed from which the Christian idea of heresy first emerged is not the institutionalization of orthodoxy within the second-century church, but rather, the dynamics of internal social conflict, which is visible in situations of internal deviance within first century Christianity and in at least one strand of the sectarianism of Second Temple Judaism. In Part I, which is a single chapter (two), I appeal to the social sciences to help articulate a social understanding of the concept of heresy, not in an effort to replace the ecclesiastical understanding, which holds heresy to be a belief or teaching that stands in opposition to or deviates from an orthodox norm/doctrine and which dominates scholarly perception on the topic, but as a complement to it. The aim of the chapter is to identify a set of characteristics that mark heresy as a unique social phenomenon. In Part II, I turn to Galatians (chapter three) and parts of Revelation 2-3 (chapter four), as test cases for the viability of locating the phenomenological characteristics noted in chapter two within these two first-century contexts of internal social conflict. After surveying the settings of conflict and the given author's responses to them, I conclude that though heresy (in the ecclesiastical sense) is not demarcated in these contexts, they are a likely context out of which the early Christian conceptual category of heresy initially emerged. Part Ill reflects an effort to see whether there may be earlier settings of internal social conflict that are analogous to these first-century contexts. Based on the argument that the exclusiveness inherent to these first-century situations of internal conflict, as well as the notion of heresy, requires a monotheistic religious framework, I turn solely to Second Temple Judaism. Relying upon a phenomenological characterization of religious sects, I (in chapter five) highlight the emerging sectarian markings evident in groups around the beginning of the second Jewish commonwealth. Chapter six, then, reflects an attempt to gauge the extremes of sectarian commitments and expression in late Second Temple Judaism by noting the sectarian features of groups behind the Habakkuk Pesher and the Psalms of Solomon. Ultimately, I conclude that these two settings of sectarian conflict bear a phenomenological resemblance to the first-century Christian situations of internal social conflict previously surveyed. Part IV, which is a single chapter (seven), reflects an effort to track when and how the early Christian notion of heresy emerged from these settings of internal social conflict, primarily through a study of the New Testament evidence of [Greek characters];. As the term moves from possessing a neutral to a pejorative to a defamatory meaning, I appeal to linguistic theory, namely semantics and sociolinguistics, in an effort to (1) characterize the type of shift in meaning that occurred in [Greek characters]; and (2) begin to locate any forces or factors that may have been influential in this linguistic transformation. Ultimately, I combine this analysis of [Greek characters]; with the previous work on the dynamic of internal social conflict in the first century and the late Second Temple period to construct a diachronic presentation of how the concept of heresy initially came into early Christian thought and writing. Chapter eight brings the thesis to a close by briefly revisiting the main conclusions of the study and identifying the primary contributions that it makes to various areas of Christian Origins research.

No description available.

No description available.

Thesis (S.T.M.)--Yale University Divinity School, 1989. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [111-117]).

Thesis (M. Div.)--St. Vladimir's Orthodox Theological Seminary, 1984. / Bibliography: leaves [105-110]

Thesis (M.A.)--Baylor University, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (p.291-301).