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<p>During the civil rights era, the two African American political traditions Black conservatism and Black nationalism substantively overlapped. Surveying the literature on Black radicalism and the long civil rights movement, however, mention of this, let alone of a well-articulated strain of conservatism within the African American community during the period, is few and far between. Understanding why Black conservatism has been left out of these conversations comprises my research question. I argue that it is the significant differences between the two ideologies that largely explain this. Namely, Black conservatives’ practice of condemning Blackness, whether during the civil rights era or today, answers why they are left out of the scholarship on Black nationalism and civil rights. It draws a sharp line between Black conservatives, not only from Black nationalists, but mainstream African American identity, too.</p>

This dissertation examines theological liberalism and theological conservatism among U.S. Protestants through the lens of moral psychology research. I argue that this theological division parallels similar divides in politics and in morality, theology having become increasingly intertwined with both over the last century. I analyze perspectives on theological method, doctrines of God, and atonement theologies within texts selected for representativeness and influence. Chapter 1 reviews literature in two scholarly discussions: the historical thesis of a “Two-Party System” among U.S. Protestants since the early twentieth century and the sociological thesis of “culture wars” emerging in the late twentieth century. I synthesize chastened versions of both theses into an account of a process of theological polarization. Chapter 2 presents two frameworks from moral psychology, Cultural-Developmental Theory and Moral Foundations Theory, and explains how these frameworks are used in the following chapters. Chapter 3 analyzes theological method in the selected texts. I find that theological conservatives prioritize an Ethic of Divinity that includes authority and sanctity in their approaches to theological method, while theological liberals appeal largely to care and fairness-as-equality in the context of an Ethic of Autonomy and an Ethic of Community. Chapter 4 analyzes doctrines of God. I find that theological conservatives balance divine authority and sanctity with divine care within the context of an Ethic of Divinity, while theological liberals mostly emphasize care, fairness-as-equality, and liberty in conceptions of God within Ethics of Autonomy and of Community. Chapter 5 analyzes atonement theologies. I find that theological conservatives typically foreground authority, sanctity, care, and fairness-as-proportionality within Ethic of Divinity perspectives, while theological liberals mainly focus on care and fairness-as-equality within Ethics of Autonomy and of Community. Chapter 6 surfaces the sociopolitical relevance of these findings in several areas: stances toward abuse, authoritarianism, and divine otherness; connections of theological outlooks to forms of life and reproductive patterns; and possibilities for building understanding-based empathy using informed responses to theological polarization among U.S. Protestants. I point toward the potential for future work on the implicit moral psychologies of doctrines, transnational aspects of theological polarization, and ethical formation for democratic participation. / 2026-07-10T00:00:00Z

The Calgary School, a group of conservative academics at the University of Calgary including the historian David Bercuson and the political scientists Barry Cooper, Tom Flanagan, Rainer Knopff, and Ted Morton, has been recognized as an important intellectual formation on the Canadian right since the early-1990s. These Calgary Schoolers have been associated closely with the political rise of Stephen Harper, who was Prime Minister of Canada from 2006-2015. They have also been associated more generally with histories of neoliberalism and neoconservatism in Canada. This dissertation is the first comprehensive history of the Calgary School; it traces the intellectual history of the group from the mid-1960s to the mid-2000s. The Calgary Schoolers were united most of all by their outlook on the proper role of states in socio-economic life. In their critique of the intentional state, which they inherited from various thinkers in the transnational orbit of conservative ideas, the Calgary Schoolers opposed the notion that states can purposely direct civil society towards acknowledged goals and outcomes. To seek outcomes like economic equality, for example, was to engage in what Calgary Schoolers often maligned as “social engineering.” Sharing in this perspective as they did, the Calgary Schoolers then sought to extend the influence of their views, doing so in various “modes of influence.” The Calgary Schoolers established their authority as scholars, used that authority to undergird ventures into public view as polemicists, and associated themselves with people and institutions that could give practical weight to their positions. While resisting the idea that the Calgary Schoolers somehow made the neoliberal era in Canada, this dissertation shows how they made influence from within the confines of that era, recognizing the opportunities it afforded them and leveraging those opportunities for their ends. / Dissertation / Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

Philosophers of mind have recently debated over whether or not there exists a unique cognitive phenomenology – a “what it’s like”-ness to our conscious cognitive mental states. Most of these debates have centered on the ontological question of whether or not cognitive phenomenology exists. I suggest that assuming cognitive phenomenology does exist, it would have important consequences for other areas of philosophy. In particular, it would have important consequences for moral epistemology – how we come to know the moral truths we seem to know. I argue that adopting cognitive phenomenology and the epistemic principle of phenomenal conservatism can do “double duty” for the moral realist: they provide the moral realist with prima facie grounds for belief in the objectivity of morality, while epistemically vindicating the specific contents of their beliefs. / Master of Arts

Throughout the recorded pages of sociological literature it has generally been contended that older people are more conservative than younger people. The major focal point of this thesis is an application of this generalization to a specified, temporal situation via an empirical investigation of the relationship between age and conservative opinions on contemporary issues. In this manner an empirical demonstration of the theoretical relationship between age and conservatism was accomplished. Additionally, an analysis of the relative importance of age as an independent variable related to conservative opinions was achieved. Interviews were administered to a random sample of wives of Virginia Polytechnic Institute faculty members. Data consisted of scores on a Likert-type scale of conservative opinions centering on issues relative to race, law enforcement, and patriotism. With respect to the instrument employed and the sample surveyed, five general findings were noted. First, older persons expressed more conservative opinions than did younger persons, but not to a great extent. Second, there is a positive correlation between age and conservative opinions, but the degree of correlation is not high. Third, the relationship between age and conservative opinions is quantitative, not qualitative. In other words, a polarization of opinions on the basis of age does not exist. Fourth, education is much more important than age as an independent variable related to conservative opinions, although the direction is one of negative correlation. Finally, age is more important than the region or community size of one's childhood as an independent variable related to conservative opinions. / Master of Science