This thesis examines the reinvention and resurgence of the monologue as a contemporary performance mode. It focuses on four pioneering practitioners: Laurie Anderson, Spalding Gray, Karen Finley and Anna Deavere Smith. The study reviews historical developments in monologue and analyses contemporary innovations made to the form. It also responds to debate on the use of postmodern aesthetic techniques in performance, as a means of critically engaging with and commentating on Western, specifically American, culture and politics. The hypothesis of this study is that monologue, as it is examined in this work, is a biopolitical form. It is biopolitical, as this analysis will show, in the sense that it is a linguistic, communicational and creative response to the conditions of global capitalism in the West. The study argues that the term monologue is increasingly inadequate to the discussion of these new forms of solo speech and performance and proffers the term “post-monologue” as a means of furthering consideration of the monologue beyond the terms of current understandings. It opens the way towards future manifestations of the form that offer critically effective, and affective, commentary on world events.

[pt] Esta tese busca mapear e analisar os principais elementos envolvidos na atuação neoconservadora sobre a educação nacional. Investiga-se tendências, inclinações, valores e objetivos relacionados à logica conservadora e sua influência sobre o projeto político educacional brasileiro. Discute-se, também, o lugar ocupado pela religião nesse contexto. A hipótese que sustenta esse trabalho é a de que o neoconservadorismo em ascensão no Brasil utiliza a educação como campo privilegiado para a difusão de valores morais, religiosos, meritocráticos e securitários, na tentativa de esvaziamento do ambiente escolar de seu componente político e emancipatório. O referencial teórico utilizado nesta pesquisa articula autores nacionais e internacionais como Ronaldo Almeida, Marina Lacerda, Noël O Sullivan e Michael Apple, embasando o entendimento de que a ativismo neoconservador brasileiro se inspira em movimentos de semelhante natureza oriundos de outros país, especialmente dos Estados Unidos da América dos anos 1970 e 1980, adaptando-o às próprias especificidades. Assim como no contexto original, a educação passa a ocupar um lugar de grande relevância e interessa, dada sua capilaridade e importância social. A abordagem metodológica utilizada é a Análise de Conteúdo (BARDIN, 2016) de um conjunto de documentos: iniciativas parlamentares relacionadas à educação propostas entre os anos 2001 e 2020 na Câmara de Deputados, o Manifesto à Nação Brasileira produzido pela Frente Parlamentar Evangélica em 2018, o discurso de posse do atual presidente Jair Bolsonaro e o decreto de implementação de escolas cívico militares, de sua autoria. Os resultados confirmam a hipótese inicial ao indicarem o crescimento de propostas de natureza conservadora ao longo dos anos analisados em torno de temas como sexualidade, religião, educação domiciliar, doutrinação escolar e patriotismo. Em última análise o trabalho evidencia que o que se está em disputa são diferentes projetos de sociedade e democracia que atravessam debates sobre família, laicidade, diversidade e objetivos educacionais. Suas implicações para educação apontam um caminho de autocensura docente, cerceamento do pluralismo de ideias e o rompimento dos limites entre público e privado, conhecimento e opinião. A conclusão deste texto traz a síntese das ideias discutidas e o apontamento de desdobramentos futuros, tais como as implicações dos resultados obtidos para o ensino de conteúdos disciplinares como evolução biológica, reprodução e sexualidade. Temas que interessam ao patrulhamento ideológico religioso da atuação neoconservadora educacional. / [en] This thesis analyzes the main elements involved in the neoconservative action on national education. It investigates trends, inclinations, values and objectives related to conservative logic and its influence on the Brazilian educational political project. It also discusses the place occupied by religion in this context. The hypothesis that supports this work is that the rising Neoconservatism in Brazil uses education as a field for the dissemination of moral, religious, meritocratic and security values, to empty the school environment of its political and emancipatory component. The theoretical framework articulates national and foreign authors such as Ronaldo Almeida, Marina Lacerda, Noel O Sullivan and Michael Apple. Upon these works, we argue that Brazilian neoconservative activism is inspired by similar movements from other countries, especially from the United States of America in the 1970s and 1980s, adapting it to Brazil’s own specificities. As in the original context, education now occupies a place of great relevance and interest, given its capillarity and social importance. The methodological approach used is Content Analysis (BARDIN, 2016) of a set of documents: parliamentary initiatives related to education proposed between the years 2001 and 2020 in the Brazilian Chamber of Deputies, the Manifesto to the Brazilian Nation produced by the Evangelical Parliamentary Front in 2018, the inauguration speech of the current president Jair Bolsonaro and the decree implementing military civic schools. The results confirm the initial hypothesis by indicating the growth of conservative proposals over the years related to themes such as sexuality, religion, home education, school indoctrination and patriotism. Ultimately, the work shows that different projects of society and democracy are in dispute involving controversies about family, secularity, diversity, and educational aims. Its implications for Education point to teacher silencing, limiting the pluralism of ideas and breaking the boundaries between public and private, knowledge and opinion. The conclusion of this text synthetizes the ideas discussed and the points out future developments, such as the implications for the teaching of topics as biological evolution, reproduction, and sexuality. Themes that are of interest to religious ideological patrolling of neoconservative educational activities.

Using a comparative trend analysis for fifteen states in the Middle East during President George W. Bush's eight year administration, this paper provides one method for answering the research question, "What was the priority/focus of U.S. Middle East policy during the W. Bush Administration?" Within the context of international relations theories neorealism, neoliberalism, and neoconservatism, U.S. policy is broken down into three policy priorities: stability, security, and democracy promotion and measured for each state for each year of the administration. Line graphs illustrate the changes from year to year and linear trend lines indicate the direction of change as positive, negative, or neutral. The results are used to validate the three working hypotheses: 1) if the U.S. views stability as paramount, then its foreign policy will be to support the status quo regimes, 2) if the U.S. wants to maintain security, then its foreign policy will be to demonstrate power projection via its military, and 3) if the U.S. aims at democracy promotion, the its foreign policy will be to implement economic aid and assistance programs to reform non-democratic governments and strengthen existing democratic institutions. Eleven states confirmed the stability hypothesis, nine states confirmed the security hypothesis, and twelve states confirmed the democracy promotion hypothesis. There was no discernable pattern between the trends across states indicating that the U.S. consistently pursued one policy priority over the others. There were only two complete cases in which a state had only one positive trending policy priority. / Master of Arts

Quelle est l’influence du protestantisme évangélique américain, acteur non étatique -Et transnational en pleine expansion- sur la politique étrangère américaine? La constitution des protestants évangéliques en force de pression politique, à l’initiative de certains pasteurs évangéliques, remonte au début des années 70, peu après le passage du Civil Rights Act. Les protestants évangéliques traditionnellement acquis à la cause démocrate, ont alors choisi d’accorder leurs voix au camp républicain. Si R Reagan, proche des néo-Conservateurs, leur a entre-Ouvert les portes de la Maison Blanche, George W. Bush sera le président qui gouvernera en tenant compte de considérations morales et religieuses chères aux protestants évangéliques. Le vote évangélique est ainsi très disputé lors des échéances électorales. En quelques décennies, les protestants évangéliques ont acquis une place de choix dans la politique américaine nouant des alliances fructueuses avec les néo- conservateurs ainsi qu’avec le lobby pro-Israélien, tous les deux à la manœuvre en ce qui concerne la définition des politiques. Au niveau international, les protestants évangéliques ainsi que leurs alliés néo-Conservateurs défendent d’une même voix Israël. Si les néo-Conservateurs et le lobby pro-Israélien définissent une politique commune, les protestants évangéliques mobilisent leur électorat. L’alliance est ainsi très efficace ce dont atteste entre autres l’adoption de la loi International Religious Freedom Act ( Irfa). / How influent is the evangelical protestantism over american foreign policy? Evangelicals have established a lobby, in behalf of some well known evangelical pastors, not long after the enactment of the Civil Rights Act at the beginning of the seventies. Evangelicals traditionally more supportive of the democrats, chose therefore to give their votes to the republican party. Ronald Reagan, in close partnership with the neoconservatives, opened a space to the evangelicals while G.W. Bush while ruling the country, took into account their moral and religious considerations. Evangelical vote is a real issue for both parties in an election time. In the last decades, evangelicals have acquired an influent position in American politics along with their close allies, the neo-Conservatives and the Israël lobby, both of them defining a shared policy. On an international level, evangelicals along with neo-Conservatives are harsh defenders of Israel. Their partnership proved to be efficient, particularly concerning the enactment of the law International Religious Freedom Act ( Irfa) concerning religious freedom worldwide.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:21:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro Ortunes.pdf: 5158929 bytes, checksum: bcfbab4ecf35dded4c4ac9297621bdd7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper analyzed the image's construction of American neoconservatism and radical Islam in the media. Through a theoretical framework of cultural clashes and armed clashes between East and West, more precisely between the United States and countries with major operations in the Islamic form of government, will be possible to observe the points of divergence and possible similarities of these two groups. With this analyze, we will observe the differences and platitudes on the subject in the media / Esta dissertação tem como objeto de estudo a construção da imagem do neoconservadorismo norte-americano e do Islã radical na mídia. Através de uma fundamentação teórica sobre os choques culturais e os confrontos armados entre Ocidente e Oriente, mais precisamente entre Estados Unidos e países com grande atuação islâmica na forma de governo; apresentaremos os pontos de divergência e possíveis similaridades destes dois grupos. Com esta fundamentação, observaremos as divergências e as superficialidades sobre o tema presente na mídia

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:32Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Leandro Ortunes.pdf: 5158929 bytes, checksum: bcfbab4ecf35dded4c4ac9297621bdd7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-10-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This paper analyzed the image's construction of American neoconservatism and radical Islam in the media. Through a theoretical framework of cultural clashes and armed clashes between East and West, more precisely between the United States and countries with major operations in the Islamic form of government, will be possible to observe the points of divergence and possible similarities of these two groups. With this analyze, we will observe the differences and platitudes on the subject in the media / Esta dissertação tem como objeto de estudo a construção da imagem do neoconservadorismo norte-americano e do Islã radical na mídia. Através de uma fundamentação teórica sobre os choques culturais e os confrontos armados entre Ocidente e Oriente, mais precisamente entre Estados Unidos e países com grande atuação islâmica na forma de governo; apresentaremos os pontos de divergência e possíveis similaridades destes dois grupos. Com esta fundamentação, observaremos as divergências e as superficialidades sobre o tema presente na mídia

<p>The purpose of this study is twofold: First, to inquire how the George W. Bush administration plans to keep America safe from external threats and second – based on the assumption that neoconservatives have influenced the Bush administration – examine how neoconservative ideas have influenced this strategy to protect America. The research questions are as follows:</p><p>What is the content of the Bush administration’s security strategy?</p><p>How are neoconservative ideas reflected in this security strategy?</p><p>To answer the first question, the main points of two studied documents were summarized. The summarized documents were the two versions of the National Security Strategy of the United States of America that the George W Bush administration has released during its tenure. These documents state the official security strategy of the United States and give a general view over the threats against America and how the administration plans to deal with these threats. To answer the second question the author studied literature about neoconservatism and gained valuable knowledge about the neoconservatives, which resulted in the creation of an analyzing instrument. This analyzing instrument was later applied on the empirical material that was gathered by answering the first question and in turn answered the second question.</p><p>The result of the study is that the Bush administration believes that by spreading freedom and fighting tyranny around the world, America will become safer. To accomplish this, the administration will employ the full array of political, economic, diplomatic and other tools at their disposal. Neoconservative influences on the strategy were found repeatedly – one of the most obvious influences being the administration’s adoption of the principle of preemptive strikes against enemies.</p>

This dissertation reports on a qualitative study of school leadership with nine secondary-school headteachers (of maintained schools) or principals (of academy-type schools) in England. The project maps schooling provision and offers an empirical account of leaders’ identities and practices in neoliberal and neoconservative times. Informed by a critical policy-scholarship methodology, documentary data from primary and secondary sources supplement narrative and semi-structured interviews conducted over 18 months. The findings are reported in five journal articles and one book chapter. The first output maps school types through different lenses: legal status; curriculum; selection; types of academy; and school groupings. The mapping highlights the intersections between the reform agenda and historical diversity. I conceptualise the landscape holistically through locus of legitimacy and branding, arguing that diversification policies facilitate corporatised and religious interests. Second, I show how UTCs and studio schools construct children’s abilities as fixed and differentiable in terms of predicted economic value. They select, but the responsibility for this, following Bourdieu, is transferred discursively from the school through branding and habitus to the “consumers” where it is to be misrecognised as exercising ‘school choice’. Third, I typologise three effects on heads’ and principals’ agency and identities of a few elite multi-academy trust principals, or courtiers, who have won regional empires through expanding their academy chains to occupy the spaces opened up by the dismantling of LAs. Public-sector and school-leader identities and histories permit the promotion of their activities as “school led” and downplays their close relationship with central-state policy makers and private-sector networks. Fourth, I argue that corporatised leadership in schools in England is being promoted through new actors and new types of school. Corporatised leadership is characterised inter alia by the promotion of business interests and the adoption of business-derived leadership practices and identities. I use Bourdieu’s concept of field to explain the impact of business on educational leadership and the dissonance between leaders and led. Fifth, I argue with Gunter that school leaders are removing those who embody or vocalise alternative conceptualisations of educator by eradicating ‘inadequate’ teaching,and implementing the leader’s ‘vision’. We deploy Arendtian thinking to show how current models of school leadership enable totalitarian practices to become ordinary. Sixth, I develop Bourdieu’s concept of hysteresis through narratives from two heads to argue that rather than simply being an effect of change, hysteresis may be an actively sought outcome whereby the state intervenes to deprivilege welfarist headteachers and privilege corporatised principals through structurally facilitating their habitus and mandating its dispositions for the field. Collectively, these findings demonstrate how the diversification of provision in England and the demands of a performative, marketised regime have ontological and professional stakes for school leaders and for the led. Symbolic and economic capital is accruing to the capitalised, facilitated by corporate practices and corporate structural solutions through acquisitions and alliances. Resistance is possible, but a dissident habitus limits standing in the field. This hierarchisation is reflected in the relationship between school types and in how children are meant to self-select into that provision. This is a landscape constituted of positions, where pupils are expected to know their place and the purpose of education is to facilitate social segregation for economic efficiency.

The thesis primarily aims to describe main events and a role of the United Nations in Iraq in 2002-2005. However, since broader knowledge in needed, the thesis also deals with historical events in Iraq and in the UN Security Council. Equally, it seeks to explain in a concise manner the specificities in Iraq that played or play an essential role. In the period after the American invasion in 2003 the thesis confront US expectations and plans with the reality on Iraqi soil and UN standpoints. In fact, the link through the whole thesis is the depiction of the relationship between the US and the Security Council and after the invasion also with UN Assistance mission in Iraq (UNAMI). Given the limited extent the thesis is concluded by the elections to the permanent Iraqi parliament in December 2005.

This essay is an analytical study that examines the ideological features of the New Right, that has governed Britain and the United States after the 2008 financial crisis, regarding globalization. The purpose of the essay is to identify the most prominent similarities and differences in the positions of the New Right on globalization in both countries after 2008. The essay shows that the New Right differs, in Britain and the United States, in its position on globalization. In Britain, successive Conservative governments support globalization with its economic, political, cultural and ecological dimensions, but with conditions. On the other hand, Trump, the only Republican president in the United States after 2008, does not support globalization in any of its dimensions. However, there are similarities between the two doctrines on issues related to the assertion of sovereignty and national identity.