Diss. Stockholm : Stockholms universitet, 2004.

<p>I västerländska samhällen lyfts demokratiteorier som direkt deltagande, deliberativ och deltagardemokrati lyfts allt oftare fram som en möjlig åtgärd på problemet med medborgarnas minskade politiska deltagande. Syftet med uppsatsen är att ta reda på om kommunernas satsningar på ökad medborgardemokrati leder till ett ökat medborgerligt deltagande i det politiska livet, samt om deltagandet påverkas av hur kommunerna valt att satsa på demokratiåtgär. Uppsatsen är en triangulering av kvalitativ och kvantitativ metod.</p><p>Slutsatserna visar att fördelningen för antalet traditionella gentemot medborgardemokratiska åtgärder är relativt jämn, något högre andel medborgardemokratiska åtgärder. Vidare visade resultatet att vilka eller hur många demokratiåtgärder en kommun satsar på inte leder till ökat valdeltagande. Slutligen visade resultatet att vissa demokratiåtgärder är väl fungerande och genererar ett stort medborgerligt deltagande, medan andra inte lockar särskilt många medborgare att delta alls.</p>

<p>Uppsatsen behandlade frågan om varför nya lokala politiska partier uppstått i norrländska kommuner. Den teoretiska utgångspunkten var ett rationellt aktörshandlande och ett metodologiskt individualistiskt synsätt. Den politiske entreprenören bakom partiet stod i fokus, vilka drivkrafter denne haft, motivet bakom partibildningen samt vilken påverkansmöjlighet det lokala partiet har haft i den kommunala politiken. Representanter för fjorton lokala partier i Norrland intervjuades. Vidare undersöktes omgivningsfaktorer såsom arbetslöshet, valdeltagande och diffusionseffekter. Uppsatsens slutsats blev att dessa omgivningsfaktorer endast hade en begränsad förklaringskraft och att ett nybildande av partier främst kunde förklaras genom ett starkt missnöje i samhället och starka politiska entreprenörer.</p>

<p>Abstract</p><p>C-essay in political science by Anna Bryntesson</p><p>Supervisor: Michele Micheletti</p><p>Spring 2006</p><p>“Young municipality politicians - Why some young people become municipality politicians, how they think it is and</p><p>what they think should be done to engage more young people in politics?”</p><p>The Swedish municipalities have problem with that they doesen´t have many politicians under 30 years. Many of the young people who become politicians drop out after a short while. The conclusion of this is that the Swedish municipalities have problems to engage young people in politics.</p><p>The purpose of this essay is to study and try to find out what young people think about politics? This is done with personally interviews with 7 young municipality politicians from the municipality of Eda.</p><p>The specific research questions are:</p><p>• Who are they which became young municipality politicians?</p><p>• What was the reason that they became politicians?</p><p>• How do they look at municipality politics?</p><p>• Which roll and function does the young people have as a municipality politician?</p><p>• What do they think should be done to get more young people to engaged in politics and become a municipality politician?</p><p>The young Eda politician is a girl living in a house in the country and she has middle education. Many of the young politicians in Eda has become politicians because their parents has asked them if the want to be a politician. They think that politics is hard but fun. Their roll is to look at think in a new way. Politicians need to go to schools and tell the kids in school what they do a a politician to try to make young people more intrested in politics. The teory that is more usually that men is engaged in politics than womans isn´t right in Eda. Because there among the young peolpe more womans than men are engaged.</p>

<p>Abstract</p><p>“Political participation”</p><p>- A qualitative study of citizens in Hong Kong</p><p>Thesis in Political Science, D-level</p><p>Author: Liza Bergström</p><p>Tutor: Michele Micheletti</p><p>On July 1, 1997 China resumed its sovereignty over Hong Kong. Ever since long before the handover until today scholars ask whether and how the changes in Hong Kong’s political status are affecting politics in Hong Kong. This paper is situated in this on-going academic debate. Its purpose is to investigate whether system changes are affecting the participation of citizens in politics in Hong Kong.” It asks: What, if anything, has the new political situation meant for the political participation in Hong Kong?</p><p>Two perspectives have been used to answer the purpose, a structural approach and an actor-oriented approach. Five research questions have served as the starting point for my analysis and I have answered the general question on the basis of them.</p><p>1. Do the citizens in Hong Kong believe they have the ability to participate in politics, that the political system facilitates their participation in politics?</p><p>2. Do the citizens in Hong Kong believe that China tries to repress Hong Hong’s political rights?</p><p>3. How do the citizens of Hong Kong participate in politics?</p><p>4. How do the citizens of Hong Kong view their own political participation?</p><p>5. Do the citizens of Hong Kong object to the political situation in Hong Kong?</p><p>Empirical materials for this study have been collected in qualitative interviews with six citizens of Hong Kong, that is people who are Hong Kong Chinese. The conclusion is that the new political situation has not meant a lot for the political participation in Hong Kong. The answer of the general question from a structural approach is that the political system to a certain extent prevents the respondents from participating politically. On the basis of the actor-oriented approach the answer to the general question is that the new political situation has not meant anything for the political participation in Hong Kong.</p>

<p>Sweden has been a member of the European Union since 1995 and the power of the organisation to make decisions has increased over the years in a rate which hasn’t been followed by an equally increase in democratization. This is partly due to the lack of participation in the decision making process and at the national level the citizens don’t possess enough channels to compensate the loss of influence. To solve this democratic dilemma, more and more countries are turning to the referendum. My purpose with the study is to analyze under what circumstances the Swedish parliament initiate referendum and how this effect the opportunities for it to work as a corrective according to the popular will. I’ve compared the decision to join EMU, when the parliament decided to initiate, with the ratification of the EU-constitution when the parliament decided not to initiate and posed following questions: How did 1) Minority Weapon, 2)Division solving 3) Important question and 4) External Pressure impact the parties decision to initiate or not? I used statistics, parliamentary debates and home-pages to answer the questions. My conclusions are that the most important factors that promote an initiative are division solving and important question. External pressure seems to have little or no impact. This means that the parliament isn’t responsive to the opinion, has a big control over the initiation and combined with a critically bad representation it doesn’t provide much of an opportunity for the referendum to work as a corrective in the Swedish democracy.</p>

Denna uppsats undersöker begreppet mångkultur inom den socialdemokratiska politiska diskursen. Genom att använda en begreppshistorisk ansats tillsammans med en synkron och diakron analys inspirerat av Reinhart Koselleck, ämnar denna uppsats svara på om det skett en förändring kring socialdemokraternas användning och innebörd av begreppet mångkultur under perioden 1970-2022. Det empiriska materialet som legat till grund för analysen är dokument från riksdagen så som motioner, propositioner och även tal. Slutsatserna visar att begreppet mångkultur i den socialdemokratiska kontexten är tydligt förbunden kring den grundläggande frågan om hur samhället ska hantera mångfald. Begreppet visar förändring i den socialdemokratisk kontexten i både dess deskriptiva och normativa innebörd på flera sätt. I sin deskriptiva innebörd har den utvecklats att exklusivt inbegripa invandrare och andra etniska grupper, till att inkludera en social dimension där flera minoritetsgrupper räknas in, till att sedan utvecklas i sin mening och innebörd till att betyda överlappning av identiteter. Begreppets normativa innebörd problematiseras och förändras över tiden kring tanken om en övergripande samhällsgemenskap. Nyckelord: Mångkultur, socialdemokraterna, begrepp, politik

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<p>This doctoral dissertation discusses the willingness of political leaders in illiberal democracies to put national interests before private and factional interests in their foreign policy. Thus, the dissertation examines one variety of a fundamental question underlying much of political science: What do politicians want? Are they in office to pursue private and/or factional interests, or are they in office to enhance national interests?</p>

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