I en digital värld uppkommer fenomen som påverkar det politiska beteendemönstret hos människor. Ett sådant fenomen är digital opinionsbildning vilket har blivit ett viktigt verktyg i den politiska debatten världen över under senare decennier. Denna uppsats ämnar till att få en djupare förståelse för vad som urskiljer digitalt opinionsbildande i den politiska debatten. Genom att studera tre olika digitala opinionsbildare har urskiljningar givet empirin och det teoretiska ramverket gjorts för att belysa och beskriva vad som karaktäriserar digital opinionsbildning. Genom en kvalitativ textanalys av material från det sociala mediet Instagram studerar uppsatsen de utvalda digitala opinionsbildarna i syfte att urskilja och beskriva vad som är utmärkande för den politiska opinionsbildning som verkar på digitala kanaler. Uppsatsen påvisar att ett flertal aspekter utmärkande för digitalt opinionsbildande går att urskilja av undersökningen. Bland dessa inkluderas en interaktiv tvåvägskommunikation med mottagarna, starka relationer till följare som för vidare den politiska debatten samt en emfas vid den egna områdeskännedomen där känslobaserade argument är vanligt förekommande. Resultatet föreslår även att en möjlig hypotes givet empirin och det teoretiska ramverket skulle kunna vara att partipolitisk neutralitet inom digital opinionsbildning är förmånligt.

This paper takes the hypotheses by Nepstad’s article, Mutiny and Nonviolence, and applies it to three new cases of nonviolence. The analysis explores each hypothesis in each case and the discussion dissects the most interesting pieces of information, mainly regarding the hypotheses’ high characterization of ethnicity/sectarian groups. Via these discussions’ suggestions are made on how the hypotheses could improve to have greater validity over more cases in the future

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Two global targets – is economy given priority over climate?: A discourse analysis of Agenda 2030 I den här uppsatsen ifrågasätts ekonomisk tillväxt som lösning på klimatfrågan. Vidare undersöks vilken roll diskursen har i klimatfrågan och hur det kan förändras. Genom uppsatsen och analysen kan vi dra slutsatsen att diskurser spelar stor roll, särskilt i sammanhang som klimatfrågan. Det är otydligt om ekonomisk tillväxt prioriteras framför klimatet kontinuerligt, men desto tydligare att det läggs stor vikt vid ekonomins företrädesrätt, oavsett om det gäller klimatfrågan eller inte. För att förstå och urskilja värderingar i politiska ramverk som Agenda 2030 är det viktigt att ha en uppfattning om vilka perspektiv som anser vad i klimatfrågan och vad det kan få för konsekvenser. Genom teorin med klimatsynsätt, kombinerat med diskursiv makt och Bacchis WPR kan vi uppfatta diskursen vid Agenda 2030 och dess tolkande startpunkt för att dra vår egen slutsats över huruvida åtgärderna som den framför är lämpliga.

Den här uppsatsen undersöker hur svenska soldater upplever att kvinnliga soldater i en fredsbevarande insats påverkar den fredsbevarande insatsen. Syftet med uppsatsen är att ta reda på hur både kvinnliga och manliga svenska soldater som har tjänstgjort vid en fredsbevarande insats upplever att de kvinnliga soldaterna påverkade just den fredsbevarande insatsen. För att undersöka hur dessa soldater upplever att kvinnliga soldater påverkar har en kvalitativ studie gjorts. Det empiriska materialet består delvis av dokument angående hur svenska Försvarsmakten arbetar med jämställdhet och jämlikhet, majoriteten av den data som har insamlats består av intervjuer med soldater som har medverkat i en fredsbevarande insats åt Försvarsmaktens vägnar.  Resultaten av den studien har visat på att de svenska soldaterna upplever att kvinnliga soldater medför många positiva möjligheter och bör vara en naturlig del av en fredsbevarande insats. De svenska soldaterna upplever också att kvinnliga soldater medför många positiva möjligheter och inga märkbara nackdelar och bör därför vara en naturlig del av en fredsbevarande insats.

This thesis identifies a discrepancy in the understanding of peace as a need for further efforts to be made in both the conceptualization and operationalization of what peace is. Working from the pluralistic multidimensional view of what peace could be defined as, dictated by the works of Dietrich (2014), Kovacs-Söderberg and Höglund (2010) and Davenport et al. (2018), this thesis set out to explore structures present in the descriptive variables of peacefulness found in the Global Peace Index data set. Through a multivariate cluster analysis, six clusters emerged. These inhibited differing magnitudes of the set of variables, that served as the basis for profiling and labelling of the clusters. Five of the clusters were defined as varying levels of internal and external qualities, behaviors and attitudes. The sixth cluster served as a more peaceful category, containing most countries traditionally understood as peaceful. The thesis concluded in a result that encourages the use of the clustering as a tool for peace categorization but lacked in the power of explaining variations of the most peaceful category. Concluding that the included variables proved to be inadequate when attempting to uncover variations of observations that are considered more peaceful, suggesting that additional variables are needed to capture the variety between these observations.

This study aims to explore the problem area of perceived corruption and its relationship with economic regulations based on a regulation index. The purpose of the study is to explore whether a countries regulations on the economic market have a correlation with the perceived corruption, and whether this correlation exists over time. Controlling for countries total expenditure, GDP per capita, and its general trust. This is explored with quantitative method using a multivariate regression analysis with two chains of analysis due to the fact of Transparency Internationals changes in their measurement methodology in 2012. One chain is for the years 2005 and 2010, and the other chain for the years 2012 and 2015. The results partially confirms our theoretical assumptions showing that the regulation index, GDP per capita, and general trust have positive correlations with the perceived corruption, while a countries total expenditure shows no significance when controlling for all variables. / <p>2019-06-04</p>

IntroductionRepresentation in politics has been a major debate in political science with various groups being underrepresented in the decision-making assembles, one of these groups has been the youth which is strongly underrepresented. This essay aims to examine youth representation at a municipal level. Few studies have conducted about youth representation but there is widespread study about representation. The already elected politicians are in many ways key factor in order for the youth to even be able get their representation since they possess the power to let them inside the political room. It will be this gap inside political science that is going to be investigated in this essay. MethodThis essay methodology is qualitative case study of Sundsvall municipality's politicians approach to youth representation. Four politicians with different backgrounds and party belong have been interviewed and afterwards have a thematic analysis been conducted from their answers. With made it possible to find patterns and connections that are related to research within representation and youth. ResultsThe essay concluded that youth representation is much based on the parties and their structured way how to influence society and henceforth complexed to be represented in any other way. Everything that the politicians acts on is what the political parties want with mean the can never express their own agenda and feel like they represent the party voters and ideology more than Sundsvall city. The parties hold a lot of power because aside the mandate in the municipal council they appoint all the positions in various committees and municipal companies that the votes never choose between. Which means that the youth relies on parties including them to grant them these positions. The biggest issue with this is that studies have shown that youth are going away from becoming member of political parties which here becomes issue with young representation with this essay concur. Based on the Hanna Fenichel Pitkin approach to representation the politicians express that they think substantive representation are most important then descriptive representation but with deeper analysis shows more than both are combined rather than separate. The few elected youth can in many ways through symbolic representation developed becoming a symbol for youth represented as a group. The essay found that young politicians argued that they do not consider descriptive as most important but that they themselves had received votes because there are youths and experienced duty to manage youth opinion, which here may drew the conclusion about when a group are underrepresented the descriptive representation became more important and puts more pressure on those who is to belong to their group to represent that particular group. Youth representation in Sundsvall was able to examine by the LUPP resulted there the youth express that I high and much high level want to influence the municipality policy, but few believe that they can actually do it. The politics said that this is an issue but note that they want to know if this only applies to youth or everybody. All politician was, to some extent self-critical and meant that they themselves needed to get better at including youth and not having them on the sideline. / <p>2019-06-04</p>