This research is concerned with how cultural policy is made in contemporary Scotland. Focussed on deciphering and understanding the actions, behaviours, meanings and performances of those involved in cultural policy making and how a cultural policy community is created and maintained, a qualitative research approach was adopted. As such, the research is based on semi-structured interviews with fifteen key players from the cultural policy community The influence and application of a range of theoretical perspectives shaped my data analysis and research outcomes in significant ways, leading me away from an initial positivist approach - where I had hoped for a ‘cultural policy making toolkit’ to emerge from the data - to a more nuanced understanding of the complex and unpredictable dynamics at play in cultural policy making. In particular, writings broadly defined as within the postmodern camp - namely those of Foucault, Derrida, Deleuze and Guattari - provided the possibility of new paradigms for the discussion and understanding of cultural policy making, leading me to unexpected insights into cultural policy making processes. Key findings relate to the characters and their performances within the cultural policy community as well as the spaces where cultural policy is created. Firstly, the significance and impact of key players emerged as having less to do with their perceived status, influence or professional positions, than their ability to construct a ‘cultural policy’ identity, attune themselves to, engage with and affect an ever changing and fluid policy environment. Paradoxically, the data revealed that those who appeared at first sight to be the most powerful and influential often emerged as the least so. Notably, the most effective players seemed to be those who invested in their sense of self and social identities and roles, clearly articulated values, principles and beliefs, bringing an authenticity to their performances in the cultural policy sphere. In addition these players demonstrated an almost intuitive understanding of the power of myth and storytelling in the construction of cultural policy. Similarly, the most significant cultural policy spaces were not where I had thought them to be - for example, public agency boards and political committees - but rather in the more amorphous spaces of gossip, ‘off-the-record’ comments, newspaper commentary and opinions, networks and the assumed meanings in both the said and unsaid. My data also reveal an active engagement in the ‘public domain’ by the cultural policy community, a space that is constructed and defined by meanings, signs and values - the substance and language of cultural policy. Finally, it is the performances of actors in the cultural policy spaces that bring cultural policy into being. The data disclose the power of speaking and writing in shifting and disrupting perceptions, views and interpretations, and in creating different spaces of encounter and creativity, leading to new understandings and unintended cultural policy directions. Indeed, my data suggest that it is more often than not the accidental happenings, productive outcomes of inadvertent actions, incubation of ideas and serendipity, that lead to the most effective and affective cultural policy outcomes - rather than the formulaic and process driven approaches required of local and national government and its agencies in the name of public accountability. The main implications of my research and recommendations for future action include: the desirability of wider dissemination of cultural policy research to practitioners, and an increase in practitioner-led research; recognition of the diversity and potential of atypical and informal cultural policy spaces; and the need for professional development opportunities and programmes to take cognisance of the latent resource inherent in practitioners who, with some encouragement, confidence-boosting and on occasion guidance in developing themselves as ‘readers’ of cultural policy discourse, could contribute to a more active and engaged cultural policy community.

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This thesis is an investigation into the terms of cultural change in north central Namibia. I am primarily concerned with issues of agency in the processes which result in cultural change, and look at both historical and contemporary agents of change in order to determine who and what impacts cultural dynamism, and what implications this has for a newly independent country within a globalised world. These issues are presented through the lenses of Identity, Power and Politics and Globalisation. In this thesis, I posit that traditionally, Ovambo people have not been empowered in decisions regarding cultural change, which has resulted in a sense of cultural 'loss'. This sense exists within the context of culture being seen as strongly associated with the past - past practices, activities, traditions and customs, as well as early development theory which insisted that such things were indicative of a backward and primitive society at odds with the principles of modernisation. In order to progress, such practices were, with and without reticence, abandoned or changed. Contemporary Ovamboland, however, represents a dynamic cultural mélange of traditional and modern life, which co-exist whilst negotiating issues such as the impact of HIV/AIDS and neo-liberal style of post-independence democracy. Therefore, by investigating the cultural shortfall in traditional development theory, and using examples of different forms of cultural development, I suggest that when culture is seen as an important consideration of development, as well as supported as a field of development in its own right, cultural identity becomes clearer, and cultural futures are determined more democratically. In order to demonstrate these ideas, I am drawing from a number of case studies in which I was professionally involved, as well as through interviews conducted in the field. By presenting the differing agendas of international engagement in development work as well as different types of cultural development projects, I will highlight the complexities of development theory in practice, particularly when capital is involved, and how these relate to the wider issues of cultural preservation versus cultural change. / This thesis is an investigation into the terms of cultural change in north central Namibia. I am primarily concerned with issues of agency in the processes which result in cultural change, and look at both historical and contemporary agents of change in order to determine who and what impacts cultural dynamism, and what implications this has for a newly independent country within a globalised world. These issues are presented through the lenses of Identity, Power and Politics and Globalisation. In this thesis, I posit that traditionally, Ovambo people have not been empowered in decisions regarding cultural change, which has resulted in a sense of cultural 'loss'. This sense exists within the context of culture being seen as strongly associated with the past - past practices, activities, traditions and customs, as well as early development theory which insisted that such things were indicative of a backward and primitive society at odds with the principles of modernisation. In order to progress, such practices were, with and without reticence, abandoned or changed. Contemporary Ovamboland, however, represents a dynamic cultural mélange of traditional and modern life, which co-exist whilst negotiating issues such as the impact of HIV/AIDS and neo-liberal style of post-independence democracy. Therefore, by investigating the cultural shortfall in traditional development theory, and using examples of different forms of cultural development, I suggest that when culture is seen as an important consideration of development, as well as supported as a field of development in its own right, cultural identity becomes clearer, and cultural futures are determined more democratically. In order to demonstrate these ideas, I am drawing from a number of case studies in which I was professionally involved, as well as through interviews conducted in the field. By presenting the differing agendas of international engagement in development work as well as different types of cultural development projects, I will highlight the complexities of development theory in practice, particularly when capital is involved, and how these relate to the wider issues of cultural preservation versus cultural change.

Throughout its history as a nation, Canada has had a culturally diverse population. For much of this time education has been one of the principal means through which the state and society have addressed the concerns associated with cultural diversity. From the early 1900s onward local and provincial educational authorities have developed and implemented a variety of policies and programs designed to address these concerns. In the 1940s, as the federal government started to develop its first policy and programs to address cultural diversity, it also found itself involved in the field of cultural diversity and education. This study examines how the federal government became interested in cultural diversity and education and how it continued to work in this field despite the fact that education is an area of provincial jurisdiction. In 1940 federal authorities began to lay the groundwork for a cultural diversity policy designed to foster support for the Canadian war effort among members of non-British, non-French ethnic groups. Education was initially to have been one of the strategies through which federal authorities implemented their cultural diversity policy but cultural diversity and education became an area of federal policy separate from yet related to the cultural diversity policy. Throughout most of its history, the two main objectives of the cultural diversity and education policy were education of immigrants for assimilation and education to promote effective intergroup relations. By the late 1960s tentative steps were being taken in the direction of education for cultural retention. Over the period from 1940 to 1971 a policy community of individuals and agencies with interests in cultural diversity and education evolved. Members of this community influenced the development of the federal policy by working on specific initiatives with the federal agency responsible for cultural diversity and education. Each of those initiatives became a site for negotiation on the direction of the policy. Thus the policy developed in an unplanned and ad hoc manner and grew to incorporate contradictory objectives. In addition, some of the work in cultural diversity and education also undermined the goals of the federal cultural diversity policy.

This thesis argues that there is an emerging field of international cultural policy in Canada informed by ongoing changes in the pattern of policy making. Caught between old nationalist discourses of a unified Canadian nation, and the rapidly changing global environment, the Canadian cultural policy makers struggle to make Canadian culture survive both at home and abroad. In this research, international cultural policy will refer to cultural policy designed by the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade and the Department of Canadian Heritage. Moving beyond a simple empirical analysis of policy, this thesis adopts Tony Bennett's definition of the governmentalization of culture applying a Foucauldian governmental rationality line of thinking. Looking at how cultural creation is being governed through discursive formations, various conceptualisations, techniques, institutional arrangements, participating actors and government initiatives, this thesis maps out international cultural policy as an emerging governmental practice in Canada.

This thesis is an investigation into the terms of cultural change in north central Namibia. I am primarily concerned with issues of agency in the processes which result in cultural change, and look at both historical and contemporary agents of change in order to determine who and what impacts cultural dynamism, and what implications this has for a newly independent country within a globalised world. These issues are presented through the lenses of Identity, Power and Politics and Globalisation. In this thesis, I posit that traditionally, Ovambo people have not been empowered in decisions regarding cultural change, which has resulted in a sense of cultural 'loss'. This sense exists within the context of culture being seen as strongly associated with the past - past practices, activities, traditions and customs, as well as early development theory which insisted that such things were indicative of a backward and primitive society at odds with the principles of modernisation. In order to progress, such practices were, with and without reticence, abandoned or changed. Contemporary Ovamboland, however, represents a dynamic cultural mélange of traditional and modern life, which co-exist whilst negotiating issues such as the impact of HIV/AIDS and neo-liberal style of post-independence democracy. Therefore, by investigating the cultural shortfall in traditional development theory, and using examples of different forms of cultural development, I suggest that when culture is seen as an important consideration of development, as well as supported as a field of development in its own right, cultural identity becomes clearer, and cultural futures are determined more democratically. In order to demonstrate these ideas, I am drawing from a number of case studies in which I was professionally involved, as well as through interviews conducted in the field. By presenting the differing agendas of international engagement in development work as well as different types of cultural development projects, I will highlight the complexities of development theory in practice, particularly when capital is involved, and how these relate to the wider issues of cultural preservation versus cultural change. / This thesis is an investigation into the terms of cultural change in north central Namibia. I am primarily concerned with issues of agency in the processes which result in cultural change, and look at both historical and contemporary agents of change in order to determine who and what impacts cultural dynamism, and what implications this has for a newly independent country within a globalised world. These issues are presented through the lenses of Identity, Power and Politics and Globalisation. In this thesis, I posit that traditionally, Ovambo people have not been empowered in decisions regarding cultural change, which has resulted in a sense of cultural 'loss'. This sense exists within the context of culture being seen as strongly associated with the past - past practices, activities, traditions and customs, as well as early development theory which insisted that such things were indicative of a backward and primitive society at odds with the principles of modernisation. In order to progress, such practices were, with and without reticence, abandoned or changed. Contemporary Ovamboland, however, represents a dynamic cultural mélange of traditional and modern life, which co-exist whilst negotiating issues such as the impact of HIV/AIDS and neo-liberal style of post-independence democracy. Therefore, by investigating the cultural shortfall in traditional development theory, and using examples of different forms of cultural development, I suggest that when culture is seen as an important consideration of development, as well as supported as a field of development in its own right, cultural identity becomes clearer, and cultural futures are determined more democratically. In order to demonstrate these ideas, I am drawing from a number of case studies in which I was professionally involved, as well as through interviews conducted in the field. By presenting the differing agendas of international engagement in development work as well as different types of cultural development projects, I will highlight the complexities of development theory in practice, particularly when capital is involved, and how these relate to the wider issues of cultural preservation versus cultural change.

The combination of two trends in modern Canadian society, the trend to increasingly rapid urbanization and the trend to increasing leisure, points to a pressing problem for the future in our cities: the provision of the amenities of urban life which will be needed for leisure use. The general planning concern in this study is thus the provision of community services and resources for leisure. The performing arts are taken to be one facet of the cultural opportunities which should be included in planning for leisure. Although the performing arts have traditionally been linked to urban, centres, the present situation in Canada seems to indicate that the cities have not acknowledged their full responsibility in supporting cultural activities. The need for increased local government support of the major performing arts organizations to ensure their continued existence is examined. The technological and economic problems inherent in the nature of performance make it impossible for productivity to keep pace with costs so that the gap between box office revenue and expenditure is inevitable. In addition, the performing arts may be considered as a public good, for which there are collective benefits. The gains to the urban community indicate that increased local government support of the performing arts should be expected. This study includes a comparison of the financial situation for the major theatre and symphonic organizations in five Canadian cities and a projection to 1975 of the minimum local government support that should be provided to ensure the maintenance of the major performing arts organizations in Vancouver. Local government officials show a great reluctance to provide financial support for cultural activities. The suggestion that this situation stems from a lack of knowledge of the gains associated with their presence lead to the development of a framework to display the returns to the urban community as a means of providing a more informed basis for local government support of cultural activities. To develop such a framework, several concepts associated with the PPB systems approach, and its underlying analysis, have been used in approaching the problem of providing information to the decisionmaker. A framework called the "matrix of returns" is proposed. The application of this framework to the Vancouver situation suggests that its success cannot yet be judged. There is a lack of information about the urban community that would be necessary to complete the measurement of returns. The collection of such information was considered beyond the scope of this study. The preliminary matrix of returns does suggest, however, that while the gains are enjoyed by all the urban communities in the metropolitan region of Vancouver, these communities have not been providing a reasonable share of the necessary support. A metropolitan basis for support of cultural activities seems to be needed. / Applied Science, Faculty of / Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of / Graduate

Throughout its history as a nation, Canada has had a culturally diverse population. For much of this time education has been one of the principal means through which the state and society have addressed the concerns associated with cultural diversity. From the early 1900s onward local and provincial educational authorities have developed and implemented a variety of policies and programs designed to address these concerns. In the 1940s, as the federal government started to develop its first policy and programs to address cultural diversity, it also found itself involved in the field of cultural diversity and education. This study examines how the federal government became interested in cultural diversity and education and how it continued to work in this field despite the fact that education is an area of provincial jurisdiction. In 1940 federal authorities began to lay the groundwork for a cultural diversity policy designed to foster support for the Canadian war effort among members of non-British, non-French ethnic groups. Education was initially to have been one of the strategies through which federal authorities implemented their cultural diversity policy but cultural diversity and education became an area of federal policy separate from yet related to the cultural diversity policy. Throughout most of its history, the two main objectives of the cultural diversity and education policy were education of immigrants for assimilation and education to promote effective intergroup relations. By the late 1960s tentative steps were being taken in the direction of education for cultural retention. Over the period from 1940 to 1971 a policy community of individuals and agencies with interests in cultural diversity and education evolved. Members of this community influenced the development of the federal policy by working on specific initiatives with the federal agency responsible for cultural diversity and education. Each of those initiatives became a site for negotiation on the direction of the policy. Thus the policy developed in an unplanned and ad hoc manner and grew to incorporate contradictory objectives. In addition, some of the work in cultural diversity and education also undermined the goals of the federal cultural diversity policy. / Education, Faculty of / Educational Studies (EDST), Department of / Graduate

No description available.