Abstract This study used policy argument analysis method to analyze pension policy development in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore, based on the perspective of simple democratic model to discuss the influence of democratization¡¦s influence on East-Asia social welfare policy. The conclusion of this study shows that global economic competition help to promote the pension systems that encourage workfare. The research result also meets to those former researches conclusions of East Asian Productivtist Welfare Regime. In the other hand, due to highly politic at party competition and vivid development of civil society, however, governments of Taiwan and Singapore have compromised to consolidate and increase their pension policies. Conversely, Hong Kong, due to politics-led government, there was the most unequal distributing condition in its pension policy. In the cases of Taiwan, Hong Kong and Singapore, we have found the influence of democratic development on welfare policy in a globalization era is meaningful. According to the conclusion of this research, democratic development should be define as a key factor of welfare regime typology in East Asia, to differentiate divergent types of states of East Asian productivitist regime. And two key points of democratization¡¦s influence in East Asia should be noticed: 1. Legal freedom of expression and publication can make social welfare issues to be disputatious in the civil society. 2. Party competition will lead social security plans to be realized, because of the desires of politicians to win votes. Keywords: simple democratic model, pension system, provident fund, East-Asia welfare regime.

The model of peruvian collective relations: from interventionist and restrictive to promotionalThe article begins by considering a system or democratic model of labor relations implies a significant degree of self-gravitating through the presence of collective autonomy as self-regulation agreed in relations between the representatives of workers and employers. That collides with the fact thatin Latin America, with the exception of Uruguay, the model is remarkably restrictive. Although our country since the Constitutionof 1979 explicitly ascribes to the model of Social State of Law – which in the labor field was expressed in the consecration of a democratic model of labor relations, this has not had correlation with the infra-constitutional regulation.Then, the article presents the main characteristics of a democratic model of labor relations which has as main features: i.–The dialectical conception of labor relations and assignment to the conflict of a functional role within the constitutional scheme, ii.– The consecration of collective autonomy as an essential piece of the regulatory system, iii.– The promotional intervention and feeder system from the state as a notion of closure of exceptional transcendence. Finally, the article points out the principalnovelties on the subject contained in the Project of General Labor Law, the same that is in line within the new Latin American context of impulse of the collective autonomy that exists in countries like Brazil, Paraguay, Dominican Republic, Uruguay and also seeks to promote the gradual substitution of decentralized and dysfunctional model for the functioning of the country, establishing a certain preference for the sectorial bargaining. / El artículo parte de considerar que un sistema o modelo democrático de relaciones de trabajo implica un grado significativo de autodeterminación, mediante la presencia gravitante de la autonomía colectiva como la autorregulación pactada en las relaciones entre los representantes de los trabajadores y empleadores. Ello colisiona con el hecho de que en América Latina, con excepción de Uruguay, el modelo es marcadamente restrictivo. Si bien nuestro país desde la Constitución de 1979 se adscribe explícitamente al modelo de Estado Social de Derecho —lo que en el campo laboral se expresabaen la consagración de un modelo democrático de relaciones laborales—, esto no ha tenido correlato en la regulación infraconstitucional. Seguidamente, el artículo nos presenta las principales características de un modelo democrático de relaciones laborales que tiene como principales rasgos: i. La concepción dialéctica de las relaciones de trabajo y asignación al conflicto de un papel funcional dentro del esquema constitucional; ii. La consagración de la autonomía colectiva como pieza esencial del sistema normativo; iii. La intervención promocional y alimentadora del sistema por parte del Estado como noción de cierre de excepcional trascendencia. Finalmente, el artículo señala las principales novedades que sobre el tema contiene el Proyecto de Ley General de Trabajo, el cual se enmarca dentro del nuevo contextolatinoamericano de impulso de la autonomía colectiva que se vive en países como Brasil, Paraguay, República Dominicana y Uruguay, y que además busca impulsar la paulatina sustitución del modelo descentralizado y disfuncional para el funcionamiento del país, estableciendo una cierta preferencia por la negociación sectorial.

[pt] Com a modernidade em crise, a crítica aos ideais iluministas e até da noção tradicional da razão em cheque, passou-se a buscar uma melhor compreensão da realidade, como alternativa para suprir um crescente descontentamento social em função do distanciamento entre as decisões administrativas, incluindo as judiciais, e os efetivos anseios dos cidadãos. Dentre as propostas que aliam o novo ideal democrático ao contexto do mundo da vida, o filósofo alemão Jürgen Habermas propõe uma mudança de paradigma da Razão através de uma lógica dialógica, transferindo a noção da Razão Prática para um espectro procedimental, usando como ferramenta indispensável o agir comunicativo, o discurso e o consenso entre as partes interessadas; além disso, promove uma reconstrução do direito e do Estado, com a superação dos modelos teóricos existentes – liberal e republicano – e com a formatação de um Estado efetivamente democrático, posto que viabiliza a participação dos concernidos na criação dos direitos. Em outras palavras, Habermas aposta no sucesso processo de interação comunicativa, que se efetiva por meio de um acordo discutido, debatido e refletido em função dos motivos apresentados pelos interessados. Diante dessa linha habermasiana que envolve a atuação efetiva dos cidadãos e das instituições da sociedade civil, além do próprio Estado, no processo de formulação normativa e decisória surge, para alguns, a ideia da inaplicabilidade dessa teoria por entenderem que, em função da realidade brasileira, principalmente em relação ao déficit educacional da população, essa ideia ficaria prejudicada. O Direito Coletivo do Trabalho, como ramificação de nosso sistema jurídico, promove a derrocada dessa premissa de inaplicabilidade da proposta de Habermas que adota o agir comunicativo como instrumento para alcance do entendimento, do consenso dos interessados, promovendo, assim, uma harmônica relação entre a validade e faticidade da norma. Importante ainda ressaltar a convivência dos interesses individuais e dos coletivos, não havendo prevalência da simples vontade da maioria, mas sim da vontade melhor justificada dentro do processo dialógico, ocorrendo a preservação das garantias e direitos individuais fundamentais. / [en] With modernity in crisis, criticizes the Enlightenment ideals and even the traditional notion of reason in check, began to seek a better understanding of reality, as an alternative to supply a growing social discontent due to the distance between the adminstrative decisions, including judicial, and actual desires of citizens. Among the proposals that combine the new democratic ideal context of the living world, the German philosopher Jurgen Habermas proposes a paradigm shift of Reason through a dialogical logic, transferring the notion of Practical Reason for a procedural spectrum, using as the indispensable tool communicative action, discourse and consensus among stakeholders; Moreover, it promotes a reconstruction of law and state, with the overcoming of the existing theoretical models - liberal and republican - and the formatting of a democratic state effectively, since it enables the participation of concerned in the creation of rights. In other words, Habermas betting on the success of the process, which is effective communicative interaction through an agreement discussed, debated and reflected on the basis of the reasons given by those concerned. Given this Habermasian line that involves the effective participation of citizens and civil society institutions, and the state itself, the formulation of rules and decision-making process arises, for some, the idea of this theory inapplicable because they understand that, according to the Brazilian reality mainly in relation to the educational deficit of the population, this idea would be impaired. The Collective Labour Law, as a branch of our legal system, promotes the overthrow of this premise inapplicability of proposed which adopts Habermas communicative action as an instrument to reach understanding, consensus of stakeholders, thus promoting a harmonious relationship between the validity and facticity of the norm. Important to highlight the coexistence of individual and collective interests, with no prevalence of simple will of the majority, but the best justified within the dialogical process will occur and guarantees the preservation of fundamental individual rights.