In the literature researchers don't agree whether news content in China in an era of media commercialization still functions to promote the dominant ideology of the ruling Communist Party. The thesis is a theoretical discussion of ideology, ideological hegemony and its evolving nature, with the consideration of Chinese situations. The theoretical discussion concludes that the dominant ideology in China is changing with the demands of a changing world, and so is media's representation of ideology. With some explorative data of crime news on three domestic and non-domestic news web sites to illustrate the theoretical discussion, the author of the thesis finds that in an era of media commercialization the ideological influence still plays a bigger role than the commercial influence in shaping crime news content of domestic media. Moreover, ideological messages are distributed through crime news in such subtle and indirect forms as the selection of official news sources, the frequent indication of the death penalty, the positive presentation of the police, and the attribution of individual causes to crime.

This study aims at highlighting the ideological implications of school development as a discursive practice. More comprehensively the aim is also contributing to rearrangements and shifts in perspective when school development is the matter. One of today´s most widespread and dominant discourses are said to be the one which concerns development, and according to many interpreters, development is one of the most prominent commandments in the modern as well as the post-modern narratives. School development as a concept has for the last 15 years established itself firmly in both Swedish school policy and in Swedish school research. It may sound obvious and commendable but also such axioms may be questioned.The design of the study lies in the field of discourse research and more specifically within critical discursive psychology, which draws on both a post-structural and a postmodern conception of discourse. The study is based on the idea that the ideological potential of arguments occurs, develops and changes in discursive practices and not anywhere else or at any abstract level. The starting point is a perception that certain issues and topics within e.g. conversation, depending on time and context will be seen as controversial, while others will be taken for granted.One part of the basis of the study consists of texts with a direct bearing on a specific school research and development project which took place between 2003 and 2008. Participating partners in the collaboration were the Swedish National Agency for School Improvement, Karlstad University, Dalarna University and 13 municipalities in Sweden. Another part of the basis of the study consists of texts in which ‘school development’ is considered and negotiated in more general terms, usually without reference to the project. All texts derive from the period 2003 – 2006.The analysis shows that school development as discursive practice often rely on a set of stereotypical expressions and ways of arguing. Stereotypes, which among other things, tend to divide people into suitable and non-suitable, capable and non-capable, which may be regarded as a somewhat unexpected implication of school development. The material has been dramatized by an intrigue inspired by the sociologist Zygmunt Bauman´s texts. He has written extensively on the modern in relation to the postmodern and about the ambivalence which resides in between and school development as discursive practice can be understood in much the similar way.

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In the literature researchers don't agree whether news content in China in an era of media commercialization still functions to promote the dominant ideology of the ruling Communist Party. The thesis is a theoretical discussion of ideology, ideological hegemony and its evolving nature, with the consideration of Chinese situations. The theoretical discussion concludes that the dominant ideology in China is changing with the demands of a changing world, and so is media's representation of ideology. With some explorative data of crime news on three domestic and non-domestic news web sites to illustrate the theoretical discussion, the author of the thesis finds that in an era of media commercialization the ideological influence still plays a bigger role than the commercial influence in shaping crime news content of domestic media. Moreover, ideological messages are distributed through crime news in such subtle and indirect forms as the selection of official news sources, the frequent indication of the death penalty, the positive presentation of the police, and the attribution of individual causes to crime.

I seek to further understand and empirically test the role of ideology, or commitment to an espoused cause, as part of a multidimensional psychological contract among employees in organizational settings. I present and provide a preliminary validation of a measure of ideological contracts and propose a model that suggests employees develop perceived obligations with their employers based on economic, social, and ideological reasons. Different behaviors are likely to be expected based on the obligation types that are most significant to the employees. Specifically, my model suggests obligations stemming from the espousal of a cause may elicit positive employee contributions toward organizational goals. Further, I posit that employees may seek to benefit distinct individuals and/or entities within the organization based on their psychological contract form. Cross-sectional data from four distinct samples provided strong support for the idea that transactional, relational, and ideological components of the psychological contract are distinct, and preliminary support that such components are predictive of specific individual-level outcomes.

Abstract Thailand and China have maintained its diplomatic relationship since the monarchial period. Such exchanges between these two countries remain long standing. On October 1, 1949 the Communist Party began to rule Mainland China, which prompted the Thai government to be more doubtful towards the Chinese government, given the differences in ideology, political and economic system. In the same light, China¡¦s relationship with the rest of the world has become complicated during the Cold War period. Thailand and China have formally inked its diplomatic treaties of agreement on July 1, 1975, which paved the way for diplomatic exchanges and friendly visits. The relationship between these two nations is deeply rooted from the strong ties established during the early times. The similarities in their culture, custom and traditions have further enhanced their kinship as neighboring countries in Asia. The rise of United States, Soviet Union and China as emerging super powers and the acceleration of the Communist forces specifically in Thailand and Vietnam has lead the Thai government to expedite the development of a better diplomatic relationship with China since 1975. The end of ¡§Cultural Revolution¡¨ and Deng Xiaoping¡¦s initiative in opening China to the outside world can also be regarded as important factors for the Thai government in inking an agreement with China. Despite of the uncertainties the world was facing during the Cold War period, the pact between Thailand and China has continually flourished on a variety of fields, including exchanges through renewed friendship, strategic alliance and economic cooperation. This thesis shall present an in-depth analysis of the history behind the transitions in the diplomatic relationship between Thailand and China.

With the interest in studying nationalism, the writer initiated a study on the Taiwanese Nationalism in the Japanese Colonial Period (1895~1945), which she thinks is the most remarkable time in the Taiwan¡¦s 400 years of history and reveals exactly the essence of the nationalism theories. As a student in the field of Political Science, the writer takes it as a responsibility to make the theories she has learnt applied to the Taiwan¡¦s history, which has a lot to do with us. This graduate thesis is titled ¡§A Study of Taiwanese Nationalism in the Japanese Colonial Period, 1895~1945¡¨, and in the thesis three methods (literature analysis, history comparative analysis ) are mainly used for study on Taiwan¡¦s nationalism movements during the Japanese Colonial Period. The thesis is going to present the following aspects: first of all, to look into the interior significance of Taiwanese nationalism movements, what the Taiwanese people wanted and their ideologies during the Japanese Colonial Period; secondly, to clarify the differences among all the perspectives of the Taiwanese nationalism during that colonial time from the angle how they were influenced by factors, like the time, place and historical events; furthermore, we will talk about ¡§identification¡¨ which is the most important topic in the theories of nationalism. Therefore, in this thesis, we¡¦ll also learn about how Taiwanese people¡¦s identification shifted among Taiwan, China and Japan. The thesis does not assent to consider Taiwanese people¡¦s intention with pure ¡§Binary opposition¡¨ contention while discussing the Taiwanese nationalism in the Japanese Colonial Period. For the movement leaders or the public, identities such as ¡§Chinese ideology¡¨, ¡§Taiwanese ideology¡¨, ¡§Homeland faction¡¨, or ¡§Japanese Komin (Japanese Imperial Civilization)¡¨ are too illiberal, too strict and too simplified. Therefore, despite no historical resources can 100% reveals how the nationalism identification shifted under the same or different factors and time¡¦s effect, it is still undoubted that the movement leaders at that time wavered among the mainstreams (the Han nationality, China, Japan and Taiwan). We should not judge such identities right or wrong, because it¡¦s a question of values options. The writer thinks Taiwanese people¡¦s resistance against Japan government in the Japanese Colonial Period is the part worthiest of our attentions. At last, the thesis indicates that, Taiwanese people¡¦s orphanage consciousness in Japanese Colonial Period and they hardly had any alternatives, and that discussions of modern scholars on Taiwanese people¡¦s nationalism focus too much on their intention is absolutely not impersonal, for their perspectives were usually led into arguments on different ideologies. The charm of nationalism is to awaken the mysterious belonging and the power of returning to the start, lying deeply in people¡¦s mind. Everybody felt attached to the past, recalling ¡§long time ago¡K¡¨. This was the emotions and latent ideology the ¡§Homeland Faction¡¨ possessed during the Japanese Colonial Period and their ¡§China ideology¡¨ intention should not be erased. However, the Taiwanese were apart from their homeland under pressure for fifty years as the length of Japanese Colonial Period, and these years would surely lead to the transformation of Taiwanese people¡¦s ideologies, also we cannot deny if the so-called ¡§Taiwanese ideology¡¨ was born during this transforming process. When the Japanese put civilization into practice in Taiwan, the Taiwanese sensed the existence of ¡§another party¡¨ and then inspected internally to themselves. At that time, it was like the Taiwanese people got onto the train and claimed to find out who they were, and the destinations are China, Taiwan and Japan. Did they know where the train headed to? Not exactly, that was a question with no answers, because as written in Wu Cho-Liu's unprecedented and unrepeatable epic, the Taiwanese are the orphan of Asia.

Thesis (M. Ed.)--University of Hong Kong, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 108-114).

Inaug.-Diss.-Münster. / Vita. Bibliography: p. [368]-390.

Thesis (LL. M)--York University, 2002. Graduate Programme in Law. / Typescript. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 157-168). Also available on the Internet. MODE OF ACCESS via web browser by entering the following URL: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/yorku/fullcit?pMQ75397.