Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of New South Wales, 2005. / "June 2005." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 285-354).

Throughout the history of the W.E.A. there have been arguments, and sometimes bitter conflicts, about the relationship between educational aims and political objectives. This thesis examines the tensions and the dilemmas generally experienced in any education involving social and political values, by taking the clash of principles between the W.E.A. (non-party, unsectarian, with its formal emphasis upon objectivity in teaching) and the N.C.L.C. (with its proclaimed Marxist partisanship) as a fundamental challenge for critical re-assessment in the light of contemporary thinking and research. The study begins with a consideration of six crucial, and even determining, individual experiences and contributions: those of Albert Mansbridge, R.H. Tawney, J.M. Mactavish, J.P.M. Millar, G.D.H. Cole and Raymond Williams. This is followed by detailed surveys of three particular areas of work - Residential Adult Education, Literature as a W.E.A. Subject, and Community Education from 1960 to 1980 - each of which illustrates how a basic tension between political commitment and academic neutrality permeates all aspects of thinking and practice in the adult education movement. The final chapter draws together the threads from the survey of particular lives, histories and thematic studies to address theoretical questions about the concepts of liberal education and academic neutrality; - about Marxist and other attitudes towards objectivity and dogmatism; about the nature of the relationship between the Labour movement and the adult education movement. The tensions are shown to be deep, enduring and seemingly irreconcilable but changes of emphasis and intensity are apparent as the general history and the wider forces and movements in society determine the ideological parameters and the 'paradigm shifts' within which, or against which, the W.E.A. operates. On the strength of eighty four years' experience, if the W.E.A. celebrates its one hundredth birthday in 2003, it will (and should) do so embodying similar fundamental tensions.

No description available.

Canadian political ideas are commonly accessed through traditional political culture or brokerage politics frames. This literature, while explaining certain political phenomenon in a robust way, fails to adequately appreciate the nuance in contemporary Canadian political ideas. A particularly fertile ground for an exploration of these ideas is in the study of contemporary Canadian conservatism. Through an examination of conservative scholars, pundits and political actors, four distinct strains of conservatism are identified and examined for axioms, core policy recommendations and affective appeals employed. Conservatism is demonstrated to be a multilayered and complex contemporary ideology displaying a remarkable diversity of ideas and understandings of the world. Despite these broad differences in core ideas and policy prescriptions and a number of key sites of disagreement, contemporary conservative ideologies remain bound by a core set of ideas and a common vernacular.

This thesis is an interpretive exercise aimed at clarifying the structure of Marx's theory of ideology. It is also a critical exploration of issues stemming from Marx's ideas about ideology. The central argument of the thesis is that Marx's theory of ideology is constituted by two concepts of ideology, the early concept, sketched in the German Ideology, according to which ideologies are the ruling ideas of a society corresponding to the economic interests of the ruling class, and the later concept, present in the Capital, according to which ideologies conform to the appearances of the mode of production. The early concept is applicable to all class societies, but the later concept holds true of societies based on commodity production for exchange-value. The early concept identifies ideologies in terms of three modes of representation of social phenomena: inversion, mystification, and universalisation. The later concept adds two more modes of representation: reflection and fetishism. We argue that, although the early and the later concepts are individually consistent, there are important incompatibilities between them, and that this renders Marx's theory inconsistent. Chapter One points out the importance of Marx's critique of Hegel's Philosophy of Right in the development of Marx's early concept of ideology. Chapter Two is a critical interpretation of Marx's early concept of ideology as sketched in his German Ideology. Chapter Three is devoted to an analysis of Marx's later concept and of the question of the truth of ideology in terms of the two concepts. We conclude with some unsystematic reflections on the relation between the two concepts. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

No description available.

A predictive relationship is proposed between stronger communitarian normative ideological values and beliefs regarding the political and economic social contract, and greater amounts of organizational citizenship behavior (OCB). The theoretical foundation supporting this relationship is based in management literature on organizational cooperation, and political theory literature on individualist and communitarian ideological orientation, which derives from the social contract theories of Hobbes, Locke, and Rousseau. Survey data from 315 organizational employees supported the study's proposal that stronger communitarian ideological orientation had statistically significant and positive direct and interaction effects predicting greater OCB performance. / Ph. D.

No description available.

No description available.

No description available.