The evolution of the People's Republic of China's Latin American policy from Mao to Deng consists of four stages: (1) communist internationalism, (2) revolutionary policy, (3) government contacts and peaceful co-existence, and (4) independent and open policy. Besides explaining the meaning of each policy and its execution, this study identifies the key elements--domestic and external--which characterize the policy evolution, and compares those elements in an explication of why Sino-Latin American relations under Deng's regime appear more active than those of Mao's regime. The policies of Mao and Deng differ in the greater emphasis of Deng on the content of government contacts and his greater concern with economic relations, in contrast to the political motivation of Mao.

This thesis analyzes George Canning's persuasive campaign to gain British recognition of Latin America. The modification of an exigence capable of change through persuasion was emphasized, and the audiences which had the power to bring about the change were identified. The campaign was broken into seven discernible, but dependent, stages which were examined to test the progress of the campaign. Canning was the prime mover of the campaign, and through a series of petitions, speeches, and press releases plus other strategic maneuvers, gained the necessary public and political support to successfully achieve his goal.

Há muitos textos sobre a atuação da música, via canção de protesto, frente às ditaduras militares na década de 70 no Brasil e na América Latina, mas é esquecido que a música erudita também enfrentou problemas sérios e apresentou um tipo de resistência ao establishment. Houve um significativo relacionamento e trânsito de músicos eruditos, irmanados numa mesma luta, estética e política. Esse trabalho relata a identidade desses propósitos, tendo como objetos de estudo o Festival Música Nova e o Curso Latinoamericano de Música Contemporânea / There are many texts about music action, it means canção de protesto, facing military dictatorships on the 1970s from Brazil and Latin America. However, it has been forgotten that classical music also has confronted serious problems and has made a kind of resistance against establishment. In fact, there were a meaningful relationship and a movement of the classical musicians, which have been congregated in the same struggle, aesthetic and political. This work reports the identity of these purposes, making Festival Música Nova and Curso Latinoamericano de Música Contemporânea its analysed objects

Há muitos textos sobre a atuação da música, via canção de protesto, frente às ditaduras militares na década de 70 no Brasil e na América Latina, mas é esquecido que a música erudita também enfrentou problemas sérios e apresentou um tipo de resistência ao establishment. Houve um significativo relacionamento e trânsito de músicos eruditos, irmanados numa mesma luta, estética e política. Esse trabalho relata a identidade desses propósitos, tendo como objetos de estudo o Festival Música Nova e o Curso Latinoamericano de Música Contemporânea / There are many texts about music action, it means canção de protesto, facing military dictatorships on the 1970s from Brazil and Latin America. However, it has been forgotten that classical music also has confronted serious problems and has made a kind of resistance against establishment. In fact, there were a meaningful relationship and a movement of the classical musicians, which have been congregated in the same struggle, aesthetic and political. This work reports the identity of these purposes, making Festival Música Nova and Curso Latinoamericano de Música Contemporânea its analysed objects

President Franklin D. Roosevelt and Undersecretary of State Sumner Welles began trying to make military matériel available to Latin America during the latter 1930s. Little progress was made until passage of the Lend-Lease Act in 1941 enabled Washington to furnish eighteen Latin American nations with about $493,000,000 worth of military assistance during World War II. This study, based primarily on State Department lend-lease decimal files in the National Archives and documents published in Foreign Relations volumes, views the policy's background, development, and implementation in each recipient nation. The conclusion is that the policy produced mixed results for the United States and Latin America.

No description available.

Call number: LD2668 .T4 1935 V31

Advertising has a powerful role in today’s society, especially since we are constantly surrounded by it. Advertisement does not only encourage people to make decisions about their purchases but has a big impact on the culture (Lin & Yeh, 2009; Lindner, 2004). Hence, it is a big factor of creating norms and ideas of what is feminine and masculine; thus affecting the perception on gender within societies. Unfortunate is however that to be able to cut through the enormous advertising clutter that people are exposed to daily, advertisers tend to use sexual content and portrayals as tactic, leading to an obscure ideal (Dahl, Segupta & Vohs, 2009; Cortese, 2008; Connell & Pearse, 2015; Butler & Almqvist, 2007). This quantitative and qualitative study examines from a Gender and Feminist theory perspective how women are portrayed sexually and stereotypically in advertisements within Mexican fashion magazines. The advertisements found within the seven biggest fashion magazines in Mexico are being studied both through a quantitative content analyse and qualitative text analyse using a semiotic approach. The result of the study shows that the content of advertisements in Mexican magazines frequently portray females in a sexualised and stereotypical way. Within our qualitative result six different stereotypes could be found. Furthermore, our quantitative result shows that the most commonly portrayed female within the advertisements are White. Henceforth, our result shows that a female ideal where the most crucial attributes are: to be sexy, beautiful, obtain an attractive appearance and to be White.

This study develops a conceptualisation of the political cultures of the Chilean Socialist Party (PSCh) in order to understand and develop an explanation of the nomination of Michelle Bachelet as presidential candidate in 2005 which avoids the oversimplifications of existing approaches. At the theoretical level, political culture is defined from the collective action perspective conceptualising it as a framework for action (Elkin, 1993: 123). This political culture is formed by patterns for political participation which drive internal power relations between members and leaders. The formation of these patterns is influenced by their social context which is mediated by groups of members and leaders in relation to their histories, experiences of critical historical junctures and ideological heritages. The conceptualisation developed thus links structure and agency in a way that enables a nuanced analysis of inter-party power relationships and agency. This fosters a deeper explanation of Bachelet’s nomination and enables evaluation of its meaning for the party as an institution. It also help us to understand internal dynamics and contradictions than could be found in her nomination. I argue that the PSCh has historically had two political cultures whose relative balance of power within the party has shifted over time. The first which I name the institutional pattern is a normative pattern which frames political participation as libertarian, democratic and pluralistic. Currently it is the non-dominant political culture to be found in the party bases. The second is the dominant party political culture which I name the practice pattern. This frames relationships between members and leaders from the perspective of co-optation, authoritarianism and hegemony over decision-making. The formation of these political cultures has been influenced by the Chilean social context during three stages of party institutional development: Foundational (1933-1956), the New Left (1956-1979), and Socialist Renewal (1979-2005). The first political culture represented in the institutional pattern is formed during the Foundational stage, where political participation is based on Pizzorno’s system of solidarity and collective identification. The second political culture, represented by the practice pattern integrated ideas about discipline and obedience presented in the New Left stage but is reinforced during the Socialist Renewal stage, when participation shifted to Pizzorno’s system of interest and individual goals. These two political cultures define and delimit participation within the party, which is highly individualised. Membership and leadership participation is settled between factions, but also results in the presence of informal types of membership and leadership within the party. Factional membership and leadership is the attribute which legitimises a subject as party member. In Bachelet’s case, her persona brings together these two cultures, despite increasing tensions between excluded sectors in the base and leadership of the party and the hegemonic leadership. The first institutional pattern played to an idea that her candidacy and nomination represented the inclusion of historical members as part of pluralism and democracy. The discontented base membership linked her persona with this pattern and supported her. However, as a faction leader and mandatario she also reinforced the elitist and hegemonic 'practice pattern' of participation, which resulted in strong disciplinary relationships coming from the faction’s elite in order to secure her nomination. As a result, the elitist practice pattern was deepened due to the strengthening of authoritarianism, co-optation and hegemony within the party. This then helps us understand the fragility of party unity in support of her candidacy and the subsequent division of the party in 2010 when a coalition of the right was elected to power.

Inspired by the Enlightenment’s principles of rationality, positivistic ideologies as well as the nascent modern-industrial state, sociology since its inception in Europe was conceived as a fundamentally secular enterprise. Whereas positivistic streams have been rather left aside, secularism in sociology still remains as a cornerstone of the discipline’s identity. However, is sociology in the 21st-century really ‘secular’? In this dissertation I present to the reader an empirical research about the epistemological influences of Catholicism upon sociology in Mexico, a constitutionally secular state since the 19th century. Theoretically, I draw from authors who have put forward the epistemological influences of Christianity upon western social science. I argue that these authors have unintentionally re-stated, with interesting additions, Durkheim’s rather neglected theses about the socio-religious origin of our ‘categories of thought’ –‘classification’ and ‘causality’ in particular. Although I will not attempt to trace the origins of sociological classifications and causalities back to Catholicism in Mexico, I will argue that it is possible to find salient similarities between both knowledge fields in terms of these categories and other discursive characteristics. By analysing these resemblances in a (neo)Durkheimian-Weberian frame, I will explain how Catholic discourses in Mexico, combined with the Mexican state’s teleological discourses on democracy, modernisation and progress, influence sociological discourses not through Durkheim’s ‘imitative rites’ and a priori ‘necessary connections’, but through a series of ‘bridge’ institutions and particular cultural-ideological structures. Individuals’ own religious beliefs and their deliberate and unintended interactions with these elements and their emergent properties turn apparently parochial Catholic discourses into a series of ‘discursive offensives’ which subtly yet pervasively shape common sense in society at large and also predispose sociology practitioners to adopt and develop i) ‘mono-causal’ and ‘power-over’ interpretations of social phenomena, ii) implicit and explicit dichotomistic logics as well as iii) normative-prescriptive sociological stances. In arguing this, I account for how Weberian authority models and Weberian-Mertonian religious values are not only key ‘background factors’, but also constitute actual cognitive devices in the production of sociological knowledge. I also offer empirical evidence about the role that individuals’ religious beliefs play in the conception of sociological models of power and causality and, by extension, in the construction of scientific reason or scientific beliefs. These accounts support the view of contemporary religions as plastic discourses whose ideological powers permeate, under certain historical conditions, the knowledge produced in scientific domains whose secularity has been mistakenly taken for granted. And this, I conclude, strongly suggests the need to revise the secularist foundations of sociologies of science and scientific knowledge, of sociology in general as well as current monolithic theories and paradigms of secularism and science-religion dualistic debates.