The employment of metaphors in drawing meaning from our experiences is an indispensable ingredient in most patient narratives. More specifically, they are essential to the conceptual system we reference to understand and respond to the disruptions brought upon by chronic illness. Through an analysis of patient narratives penned by a group of contemporary American authors, this study identifies trends in how patients can use metaphor to “bridge” the gap between their lives pre and post diagnosis, a process that in many cases presents vulnerability as a viable remedy for alleviating the alienation and diminished self-image so often impacting the lives of patients with lifelong disorders. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2018. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

A thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts in fulfilment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the Department of History at the University of Zululand, 1999. / King Mpande Ka Senzangakhona was the third in succession in the dynasty of "martial" Zulu potentates whose military valour transformed small clans into a single powerful nation. The evolvement of the ideal of nationhood among the Zulu people ruled by Mpande had its origin in the praises of his father Senzangakhona Ka Jama. When the specialist declaimer of praises said that, "a cord of destiny let us weave, O Menzi scion of Jama, That to universes beyond the reach of spirit-forms, we may ascend" , he was indicating that Zulus were people whose destiny was to traverse the universe and transform the human being into a conscious citizen of the cosmic order (in South-east Africa). King Shaka, Mpande's half-brother, adopted the ideal of this court-poet as the main inspiration of the revolution which he led after the death of Senzangakhona. It was the ideological blueprint on which he built the Zulu nation. Born in about 1798 Mpande was the son of Senzangakhona and queen Songiya of the Hlabisa clan. The Zulu lineage largely begotten by Mpande, the first king to have children, became a royal group with high status. Mpande decreed that all children begotten by members of the Zulu royal family be referred to as abantwana (princes and princesses). Nevertheless, Mpande began on a very precarious footing. In his youth he was plagued by umchoboka (skin dermatitis). His predecessors and contemporaries viewed him as indolent, inept, obese and even cowardly. Most historical accounts referred to Mpande's inferior genealogical status, cowardice, physical and mental deficiencies. On the contrary, Mpande was a recruited warrior and had been incorporated into the regiments on the death of Senzangakhona in 1816. He retained a submissive role during the next few years, thereby creating an impression that he would not contend for the kingship. The source of Mpande's strength could be traced from his name. It comes from a Zulu word impande meaning "root". The symbolic meaning of a root is that it is a source of life. In Senzangakhona's calculations Mpande was to be the source, strength and growth of the nation. This bore truth in that Zulu potentates whose genius earned the nation dignity and pride, descended from his direct line. It could be that Senzangakhona had a premonition of his son's reign by naming him Mpande. King Shaka also gave Mpande the responsibility of fathering a son. This could be viewed as an underlying factor in Mpande's becoming a natural successor to the Zulu throne. By 1837, Mpande had built up a substantial personal following living with him at Mlambongwenya homestead of his father in the Eshowe district . Here he lived a peaceful life fearless of possible invasion from adversaries. It also precluded his half-brother Dingane from embarking upon the same kind of purges as he did against his other half-brothers and potential rivals. Mpande became king of the Zulu nation in 1840 and while he reigned during the epoch that was devoid of full-scale conventional wars, he had to live through times when sporadic attacks were the rallying point of relations between members of the Nguni-speaking communities such as Xhosa, Swazi and Mpondo. Unlike his progenitors Mpande waged few wars abroad. He dispatched Zulu regiments to raid the cattle of the Swazi, Bapedi, Hlubi, AmaNgwe and AbakwaNkosi. Mpande also intervened in a succession dispute in Maputoland. The style of Mpande's military expeditions was not different to that of his predecessors. His campaigns were followed up with a re-vitalization of the Shakan amabutho (regiments) control system and building of new amakhanda (establishment erected and occupied by the amabutho, containing in addition a harem) around his palace of Nodwengu. In the late 1840's the success of Mpande's military campaigns was restricted by sporadic interference by both the Voortrekkers and the British of Natal. Relations between Mpande and the Voortrekkers of the Republic of Natalia began on 15 January 1839 when Mpande met the Voortrekker leaders on the banks of Thukela River. The head of the Volksraad, Andries Pretorius engaged in cordial conversation with Mpande. Pretorius realised that declaring Voortrekker friendship with Mpande would ensure their security against possible invasion from the north of Thukela. Such declaration laid the foundation for the battle of Maqongqo hills, which took place on 29 January 1840. In that war, the regiments of Dingane were defeated by those of Mpande. After a protracted battle at Maqongqo, (29 January 1840) Andries Pretorius and some members of the Volksraad arranged a meeting with Mpande. They met Mpande on 10 February 1840 and installed him as king. This happened after the Zulu nation had already crowned him king on 5 February 1840. He was persuaded to take an oath before the Volksraad, acknowledging the supremacy of the Volksraad, undertaking to rule KwaZulu in peace and maintaining cordial relations with the Voortrekkers. Mpande was then honoured with a praise name, "Prince of the Emigrant Zulus". In acceptance of the terms of friendship and defence between himself and the Voortrekkers Mpande said, "If one would do anything to your disfavour or disadvantage, you can only let me know and be assured that I will hurry to your assistance with my whole army and I will sacrifice my last men for you." On 14 February 1840 Pretorius issued a proclamation whereby the territory from the sea next to the Black Mfolozi River, where it ran through the double mountains, close to the origin and then next to Hooge Randberg in a straight line to the Drakensberg, St. Lucia Bay inclusive was declared as border between KwaZulu and the Republic of Natalia. On the banks of the Klip River the Voortrekkers received about 36 000 head of cattle looted after the Maqongqo battle. They received an additional 15 000 head of cattle from Mpande as a token of allegiance. The Voortrekkers, convinced of Mpande's cordial disposition, agreed not to interfere with his domestic affairs. This was with the proviso that Mpande keep to the agreements regarding humanitarian principles aimed at preventing unnecessary bloodshed. During Mpande's kingship a plethora of Zulu refugees flocked to Natal south of Thukela. About 3 000 displaced Zulus and other Africans stayed in the vicinity of the harbour before the arrival of the Voortrekkers. The Voortrekkers grouped them into no less than six regional reserves. They were defecting from Mpande's rule and refused to go back to KwaZulu. With the increase of Zulu homesteads in Natal it became imperative for the Volksraad (Legislative body) of the Republic of Natalia to threaten to inflict capital punishment on those who refused to be sent back to KwaZulu. The second British occupation of Natal (1842) took place before the Republic could execute its plan. The Voortrekker plan included moving Zulu refugees to an area opposite Mzinyathi or between Mthamvuna and Mzimvubu Rivers. They could rule themselves, but as subjects of the Republic and a Voortrekker agent would oversee their affairs. The Cape Governor George Napier argued that the territory between Mzimvubu and Mzimkhulu Rivers had been ceded by inkosi (Chief) Faku of the Mpondo to the British sovereign. He regarded it as their special task to protect the Zulus to whom he pledged ''every conceivable virtue" against the Voortrekkers whom he thought intended evil due to their previous unauthorised emigration from the colony and subsequent clashes with Mzilikazi and Dingane. Napier had to strengthen the bond between the Natal colony and Natal Zulus through special agents and missionaries. He received authorisation from Imperial Minister, Lord John Russell to resume the military occupation of Natal. The negotiations, which the Voortrekkers entered into with Napier, were challenged by the proclamation of 2 December 1841. It announced the British re-occupation of Natal and claimed that the Voortrekkers were actually British renegade subjects. The proclamation also contained accusations of Voortrekker maltreatment of Mpande5s subjects in Natal. The conflict between the Voortrekkers and the British had an adverse effect on relations between Mpande and the Republic of Natalia. The Republic of Natalia was subjected to Colonel A.J. Cloete on 15 July 1842. The Voortrekkers were compelled to surrender to the British due to Mpande's promise of future assistance to the British. Cloete gave Mpande the impression that the British occupation of Natal was the defeat of the Voortrekker power to which the Zulus owed their vassalage. Mpande appeared to be pleased with the British occupation of Natal. In 1842 Mpande concluded a border agreement with the British to settle land claims from the sources of Mzinyathi (Buffalo) to its junction with the Thukela. In June 1843 Mpande realised that the influx of Zulu refugees into Natal weakened his authority. He requested the British to send the refugees and their cattle back to KwaZulu. The British ignored Mpande ?s plea and the request by the Voortrekkers that Zulu refugees be kept in locations. Next Mpande turned to the Voortrekkers who still remained in Natal and both parties agreed that Zulu refugees caused displeasure for their administrations. In 1840 there were only about 2 000 - 3 000 Zulu refugees in Natal, but by 1843 they had increased to no less than 50 000. The Zulu king denied that he had given up the area between Thukela and Mzinyathi Rivers to the British. Mpande wanted to pursue a moderate and more peaceful diplomacy. He welcomed the Voortrekkers as a buffer between his kingdom and the British. To determine the border between the Voortrekkers and the Zulus, Mpande sent a few of his headmen to the Voortrekkers. It was agreed that the whole area up to the Mzinyathi River would be occupied by the Voortrekkers. However, the British lieutenant governor Benjamin Pine viewed Mpande as a monarch with a double-agenda. He believed that Mpande promoted his own case with the ulterior object of creating dissension between the Voortrekkers and the British. Mpande wished to enter into a defensive military treaty with the Voortrekkers. This was prompted by Zulu refugees in Natal who wanted Mpande deposed and incriminated the British authorities of indifference to Mpande's alleged persecution of Zulus in KwaZulu. Mpande was also infuriated by the prolonged protection the British gave to Zulu refugees. Thus, Mpande gave permission to some Voortrekkers to occupy land strategically situated at Klip River and Utrecht to resist possible British military offensives. Simultaneously he pledged allegiance to the British colonial establishment in Natal by denying co-operation with the local Voortrekkers. This brought about conflict between the British and the Voortrekkers. William Harding, the British Surveyor-General, concluded that Mpande had practiced the grossest deceit towards the British government and that his proceedings with reference to the Voortrekkers amounted to the crime of deliberate fraud. But, Mpande extended a hand of friendship to the British colonial establishment in Natal. He diplomatically refused to give the British military assistance during the conflict with the Voortrekkers in 1842. Mpande said: 4iNo, you are now fighting for the upperhand, and whichever gains must be my master"3. The Zulu king did not assist either party, but as soon as the British troops proved themselves to be in power he sent emissaries to Colonel Cloete to say that he was about to march against the Voortrekkers. Mpande objected to British hunters and traders entering KwaZulu. He also pressed for the return of cattle that Zulu refugees took when they left his kingdom. Mpande's emissaries argued that the British had promised to return the cattle, but that only a hundred had been delivered. Mpande further expressed his need for firearms and the British troops to check Swazi provocations in the north of KwaZulu. The colonial establishment in Natal promised to ensure that no one interpose between the Zulus and the British. The British pleaded ignorance of the arrangement regarding cattle, but conceded the necessity to regulate traders entering the king's domains. The British imperialists regarded the Zulu kingdom as a menace, but were hamstrung when Mpande reaffirmed his loyalty to them. Mpande also abandoned plans for an alliance with the Voortrekkers. By pledging his support to the British, Mpande also did not necessarily cease his encouragement of the remaining Voortrekkers south of the Thukela. He hoped that keeping alive British-Voortrekker enmity would serve his own interests. 3 G.M.Theal: The Republic of Natalia, p.39. The encounters between Mpande and various Christian missionaries were presaged by sporadic attacks on mission stations by his predecessor Dingane. Mpande was not unfavourably disposed to missionary work. He gave the American Board of Commissioners, English Wesleyan Methodist Society, Norwegian Mission, Berlin Mission, Hanoverian Mission, Church of England and Roman Catholic Mission permission to settle in KwaZulu to present the Christian gospel to the Zulu people. The strategy of winning the Zulu nation en masse to Christianity- through Mpande's court did bear positive fruits. The fundamental ethical, metaphysical and social ideas of the Zulu people were disputed by doctrines preached by the missionaries. Probably to monitor their activities, Mpande repeatedly and earnestly requested that at least one missionary should reside near his headquarters, but this did not materialise. During Mpande's reign, the colonial establishments were viewed by the missionaries as super-exploiters of the Zulu people. The attitude of the Voortrekkers towards Zulu Christian proselytes (amakholwa) was negative. This antagonism of the Voortrekkers was prompted by the political ramifications that evangelization had on them. The proselytes demanded exemption from the legal liabilities the colonial authority at Pietermaritzburg had imposed on the Zulu people. These factors, however, did not deter Mpande's attempts to use missionary connections to keep colonial threats of invasion in check. Mpande's skilful diplomacy in handling different colonial establishments proved ineffective in forging unity between his hostile sons. This also stigmatized his dignity as the reigning monarch. He was the reigning monarch, but political matters in the 1850's led to challenges by the two claimants Mbuyazi and Cetshwayo. The question of Mpande5 s heir remained unsettled. The government of the Transvaal Republic (ZAR) maintained that Mpande regarded his son Cetshwayo as successor to the Zulu throne. At his palace, he whispered that Mbuyazi was heir, because his mother was presented to him by king Shaka. The British exploited Mpande's preference of Mbuyazi as his successor to the throne instead of Cetshwayo. The majority of the Zulus, however, preferred Cetshwayo as their future king, whilst the British viewed him as unacceptable due to his alleged antagonism towards White people. Internal strife culminated in the battle of Ndondakusuka on 2 December 1856. During the battle some of the British traders were compelled to leave their cattle behind on an island in the Thukela River. After the war, Mpande sent a message to Lieutenant-Governor Scott that Cetshwayo had expressed willingness to compensate traders who lost property at Ndondakusuka. The subsequent Zulu civil war of 1856 demonstrated a decline in Mpande's power and influence within the Zulu kingdom. From 1857 until his death in 1872, the Zulu kingdom and her relations with foreign powers were effectively run by Cetshwayo and Prime Minister ("Ndunankulu") Masiphula Ntshangase of Emgazini. Nevertheless, Mpande's earlier relations with both the Voortrekker and the British colonial establishments in Natal proved him a skilful diplomat rather than a warrior. Contrary to being a generally known obese Zulu potentate, Mpande possessed the skills and actions of a shrewd politician. / Human Sciences Research Council

This thesis is a memoir of the women in my family and their relationship to motherhood, both adoptive and biological. The primary source of this work is memory and is contextualized within the Caribbean culture. The process of interpreting these memories relies on narrative, cultural, and life history theory that disarticulate ideas of motherhood found in North America from those in the Caribbean. The beginning chapters are a personal memoir of motherhood while the end chapters are analyses of the theoretical foundations of what I have explored. In the last chapter, I reflect upon the personal process of writing memoir. There is no equivalent study of the perception of the adoptive mother versus the biological mother in the Caribbean. These stories of my family contribute to our understanding of motherhood in the lives of women of color in the Americas, many of which have been missing from history's larger narrative. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2018. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Since the end of the Second World War, numerous British veterans of that conflict have made the decision to publish a memoir of their military experiences on the front-line. This thesis investigates the contribution of these sources to the historical record of warfare between 1939 and 1945. Contending that these documents reveal something unique and important about the ways in which former combatants participated in and interpreted battle, the thesis focuses on two core research questions. First, it explores what these narratives reveal about the experience and representation of combat, examining the interplay of the authors with the natural environments in which they operated, the machines with which they fought, the enemy they tried to kill, and the comrades with whom they served. Second, it inquires into the intention and function of these texts, assessing why and how they were created. In order to address these questions, this thesis draws on a wide pool of veteran memoirs, written by former front-line personnel from the RAF, Royal Navy and Army, and published since 1950. It also draws, where appropriate, on unpublished sources such as those to be found in the Archive of British Publishing and Printing at the University of Reading. Through these lines of inquiry, the thesis identifies the ways in which veterans lived, remembered, understood, and communicated their experiences of combat during the Second World War, and argues for the merit of the military memoir as a historical source.

When I first started thinking about writing Family Love I wanted to write it as an autobiographical novel. This meant a radical departure from my usual writing methods. For one thing, it was the first time in my writing life that I was interested in the conscious use of a period in my life as material for a novel. I had never before attempted this and felt a certain amount of apprehension in abandoning tried and true approaches for something so new and risky. Obviously there is an autobiographical basis to all my work but it expresses itself not in facts or events so much as oblique flashes, subconscious truths that arise out of the process of writing. In the creation of fictional characters in my novels, for example, I had never before set out to write about a particular person in the naturalistic sense. I have not been interested in telling someone’s story so much as becoming involved in the process of discovering and developing characters constructed from many sources including my own fantasies. A critic once described me as a method actor in the way I went about writing fiction, and, in particular, finding the voice of a character. This is an observation I find useful because there is something almost actorly about my immersion into fictional characters’ lives. It is a complete identification which results in what could be loosely described as super realism. I am writing from life but from my own intensely observed construction of a life a construction which has its own rules, logic and momentum and often bears little resemblance to the facts or the real people. / Doctor of Creative Arts (DCA)

Sara Tuvel Bernstein’s The Seamstress and Rena Kornreich Gelissen’s Rena’s Promise: A Story of Sisters in Auschwitz, both Holocaust memoirs, offer insight into the rise of violent anti-Semitism prior to World War II and the authors’ experiences in concentration camps. The purpose of this project is to better understand the unique trauma women experienced during the Holocaust and the impact of that trauma on their literary responses.

Evolved in the 60s (1966-1976), the Cultural Revolution opened a mysterious and deep chapter not merely in modern Chinese history, but also in World history. Cultural Revolution's core is violent. This phenomenon hit deeply into china's political and economic system, society's order, and cultural tradition. Millions of people had been sacrificed in this huge and irrational ritual. Yet, the illusive impression towards this Cultural Revolution doesn't result from people's scattered or mixed up memories, but from the way China dealt with it. For forty years, the collective memory of the Cultural Revolution has been fading. However, massive trauma still remains. Memories of this Cultural Revolution provides not only the research of Cultural Revolution but also gives a way to peep through via its special narrative mode and depth, avoiding political testifying. Whether those writers use "Transcendental skill" (like Jung Chang, Xu You Yu), " Reproductive method" (like Ji shian Lin, Yang Jiang), or the "Hemi-Transcendental skill" (like Pa Kin, Yang Xiao Kai) that involves above mentioned techniques, they all faithfully show us their personal philosophical thinking of that special time. Using four dimensions as reference: social status in the Cultural Revolution, writer's nationality, writer's identity (official scholar/ free writer), and area of publication, this thesis will show how the prevalent western social science value affects those people who have experienced this Cultural Revolution. Finally, this thesis shows how one's identity can be regarded as a writing strategy. History can be a mentor to the future. For truely healing the trauma, we shouldn't forget such important experience. By their retrospection, people who lived during that period lead readers into that special irrational, rush, unprecendented period.

As the title suggests, this is a collection of essays about addiction and recovery, told from my personal perspective. In recovery, we have a saying: “Once a pickle, you can’t go back to a cucumber.” That is, just because one stops using drugs, does not mean their addictive personality is somehow vanquished. Even though I have not used drugs or alcohol in over eight years, I still very much identify as a person who is in recovery from addiction and alcoholism. This collection is about my life as an addict and alcoholic, both before and after getting clean, and the transformation required to bridge these two very different existences. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (MFA)--Florida Atlantic University, 2021. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

The main topic of my diploma work are memoirs of the townsman Řehoř Smrčka ze Sabinova. The manuscript originated at the turn of the sixteenth and sevententh century was called by its author Poznamenání někderých pamětí od léta Páně 1587. It represents the self written memoirs of the townsmen. According to the content and the character of the records the manuscript may be considered as both the townsmen chronicle as well as the town chronicle. It reflects the experiences of its author and it is possible, through the text of the document, to get to know the events in the town Soběslav. The critical edition of Poznamenání někderých pamětí od léta Páně 1587 is trying to maintain the formal features of the text. The second part of my papers focuses on interpretation of the themes Řehoř Smrčka dealt with. He was the town councillor for the most part of his life and represented the town Soběslav. The main features that influenced the character and the form of the records of the manuscript are mainly the personality and the social status of the author.

The aim of this dissertation is to examine how the lyrical subject is presented in Tomas Tranströmer’s poetry and prose.  Crucial concepts such as the lyrical subject, autobiography, and the memoir are thoroughly discussed and defined based on modern research. The first chapter is devoted entirely to Tranströmer’s prose. Unlike previous studies, this dissertation seeks to establish the genre to which the poet’s memoirs belong. The comparative analysis I use in my dissertation enables us to see both the differences and the similarities in the way that Tranströmer presents the lyrical subject in his prose and poetry. I have taken into account the motifs used by Tranströmer in his memoirs as well as in his poetry. The next chapter discusses the Swedish reception of modernism, a literary movement, which also according to Tranströmer himself, greatly influenced his literary debut in Sweden in the 1950s. The subsequent chapters of my dissertation are devoted to an analysis of Tomas Tranströmer’s poems, which I classify on the basis of how they express the lyrical subject. I analyze both the way the lyrical subject is expressed and its place in the poem. Even though Tomas Tranströmer often uses his own experiences in his works, he transforms them in order to make them more universal. Thus, the lyrical subject is not identical with the poet himself. At the same time, the way the lyrical subject is expressed in a poem highlights its personal character. In the conclusion of the dissertation it is argued that further research is needed to establish whether the selection of Tomas Tranströmer's poems made by the editors of various anthologies may have influenced the reception of his poetry as being objective and impersonal.