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<p>The brain-drain from Jamaica and Trinidad and Tobago to Canada, constitutes one of the most serious, though often overlooked aspects of the overall underdevelopment of these two Caribbean countries.</p> <p>More specifically, Canada's immigration policies have played a major part in creating and maintaining this highly-selective outflow of wrokers from the region.</p> <p>The net effects of the drain can be seen in the social and economic distortions it creates in the West Indies, while at the same time contributing to the economic and social well-being of Canada.</p> <p>The underdevelopment of these countries, inlcuding the brain drain, can end only by the coming into being of new political mechanims aimed at placing their politial economies at the commnad of the local populations.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>The Six Nations land "occupation and protest" in Caledonia, Ontario, provides an important case study through which to better understand the attitudes and responses of local "non-Native" peoples to "Native" land disputes. This study explores the ways in which the residents of Caledonia think about the Six Nations claim that encompasses the land subject to the "occupation"; the ways in which the provincial and federal governments responded to the "occupation"; the tactical. activism that was employed to buttress the land claim; the response of the Ontario Provincial Police to the "occupation"; and the perception that there has been an iniquitous application of the rule of law between "Natives" and "non-Natives" leading to a system of "two tier justice" in Caledonia. This study also examines how the discourse of opposition employed by the residents of Caledonia towards the "occupation" is embedded in the liberal democratic notion of equality. I argue that vehement opposition to the Six Nations' land claim stems from the residents' desire to preserve their own economic interests, which they think would otherwise be threatened by Six Nations ownership of the disputed property. I found that the tactical activism employed by "protestors" created more tension, hostility, and concern for the residents of Caledonia than the Six Nations claim to the disputed property. Lastly, I found that many residents believe they would have been as hostile towards any group that closed down their roads and inconvenienced their daily lives, as they were with the Six Nations. Although opposition to the "occupation" was tempered by racism on the part of some individuals, I argue the concept of racism does not adequately explain the opposition arising from all individuals. Instead, opposition to the "occupation" is primarily grounded in the rhetoric of equality. The case of Caledonia is important because the "occupation and protest" has had lasting impacts on individuals from both the Six Nations and Caledonia. It has also damaged the previous harmonious and amicable relationship between the Six Nations and Caledonian communities. As well, the climate of "non-Native" public opinions towards "Native" Peoples and issues can act as a vehicle or an impediment to the settlement of "Native" land claims and the decolonization of "Native" Peoples from the state. Thus, it is important to understand the nature of local public opinions since they could impact the ability of the Six Nations to achieve swift and fair settlements to their land claims throughout the Haldimand Tract.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>A considerable amount of attention has been paid by political scientists to the rise of public voting support for third parties, including separatist parties in such western democratic states as Canada and the United Kingdom. This study, .however, attempts to probe within such a party in order to discover the characteristics of its active members rather than its voting supporters. It is hypothesized that here very different factors may be operating. <br /><br /> The study focuses on a group of activist members of Plaid Cymru, the Welsh Nationalist Party, whose motivations and attitudes are diagnosed, together with their consequences for political action. The importance of cultural and idealistic as against political and economic motivations is examined, while the major attitudinal dimensions considered are those of political efficacy and opinions on the use of violence and other extra-legal methods, both of which are central to an understanding of the nature of Plaid Cymru as a political party. Finally, party activity, as an indicator of depth of involvement in the party, is examined, together with those factors which determine its intensity. In these ways it is hoped to construct a theory of separatist party involvement which may supplement existing models attempting to explain the rise of third parties.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This study consists of an examination of the political philosophy of William Lyon Mackenzie King. An examination of King's book Industry and Humanity reveals his political philosophy, as expressed in his book, to be that of corporatism. Although a professed liberal and leader of the Liberal Party in Canada for many years, King's advocation of corporatism as a means of overcoming industrial and social conflicts, is seen as a conservative measure. <br /> King's success as a labour conciliator in industrial disputes during the early years of this century and later political success earned him the name of "conciliator". However in this study it is argued that King was in fact a "controller" of events. Data provided by the King diaries and other material in the literature has been utilized within the framework of Object-Relations theory. Within this framework inferences have been drawn to show that King was in fact a "controller" and not a "conciliator" due in part to an obsessive-compulsive personality.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)

<p>This Thesis seeks to demonstrate that ethnic cleavages on the part of the major Nigerian groups (the Hausa-Fulani, the lbo, and the Yoruba) coupled with the very nature of the British colonial heritage, made political integration impossible in Nigeria's first Republic. Nigeria was created artificially by the British to enhance Colonial objectives; there were not enough attempts by the Colonial administration to create a unified state. Moreover, 'Westernization' which has been usually associated with 'development' did not spread evenly across the country. The result, therefore, was competitive ethnic antagonism between the 'Westernized' Ibo and Yoruba on the one hand, and the 'non-Westernized' Hausa - Fulani on the other . This led to the ethnic political parties fighting bitterly to maximize their positions in national politics: elections were rigged, census figures distorted and undemocratic practices became rampant . The Army took over the government in a coup d'etat in January, 1966 and its aftermath was a civil war that finally destroyed the first Republic (1966 – 70).<br /><br />This work is therefore concluding with the argument that, given the fragile nature of Nigeria's political existence, there should have been attempts on the Nigerian ethnic groups to accommodate one another through a form of elite cartel at the centre . An arrangement of this nature is usually known in the literature as "consociational democracy" (elite accommodation). Perhaps such a measure might have saved the state from crumbling the way it did.</p> / Master of Arts (MA)